Discussion Papers 2007.
Regionality and/or Locality 143-155. p.
TRADITIONAL INDUSTRIAL AREAS OF LARGE
CITIES IN THE POST-SOCIALIST ERA
– THE CASE OF BUDAPEST AND WARSAW
ÉVA EDIT KISS
Introduction
In the development of post-socialist cities 1989 was a radical turning point as rele-
vant reforms have begun in all fields of life. Enormous changes have taken place in
economy, especially in industry, which have had a great impact on the extent of
industrial areas and their (re)utilization. The main purposes of this study are to
demonstrate the spatial consequences of the changes taken place in the industry of
the Hungarian capital city, Budapest and – where it is possible – to compare them
with those experienced in the Polish capital, Warsaw. The main issue is what kind
of similarities and differences can be observed in the traditional industrial areas of
the two post-socialist cities. The study is primarily based upon the results of the
surveys carried out in the industrial areas of Budapest in the past decade. (This
research was supported by OTKA, project number: T046014.) However, those
experiences and impressions gained on a short study-tour in Warsaw in 2006 have
been also used up. As the Polish experiences are based upon only observation, this
is why parantheses are used in the title of the paper.
The transformation of industrial areas of post-socialist cities began much later
than in developed western cities, and accelerated after 1989, when radical political
turnabout opened the way for economic and social reforms. Since then, numerous
studies have been published on Eastern European economic restructuring, on how
the socialist industry and industrial areas of cities have been transformed, and on
the kind of challenges cities have had to face (Gritsai, 1997a; Kiss, 1993; Korcelli,
1995; Korec, 1997; Misztal, 1997). Compared with developed western cities, those
in the East face a much more difficult situation, because they had to cope simulta-
neously with the increasing pressure of globalisation, and with structural changes
in all spheres of life. The other relevant difference between Eastern and Western
cities is that the former need to restructure industry as a whole and each individual
firm simultaneously. In the west only a small proportion of enterprises or of a par-
ticular sector need renewing at any given time (Hillman, 1992). For these reasons,
the transformation in this part of Europe has claimed much higher economic and
social costs, and takes longer, particularly in certain parts of the region.
Kiss, Éva Edit :
Traditional Industrial Areas of Large Cities in the Post-Socialist Era - The Case of Budapest and Warsaw.
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ÉVA EDIT KISS
The changes were the most advanced in the capital cities, which are the most
innovative areas of the countries and display the most immediate responses to
challenges (Gritsai, 1997b; Sleszynski, 2005). These were the major reasons for
having chosen Budapest and Warsaw, which are very dynamically developing cit-
ies of East Central Europe. Budapest and Warsaw are not only the political, social,
cultural, financial and transport centres, but they are also very important industrial
centres of the country. Although last decades have witnessed a decline in the sig-
nificance of their industry for the economic life of the city (Table 1).
The study consists of three short parts. First, I demonstrate, very briefly, the
major phases of the development of industry in each city. Then, I summarise the
most important changes in the extent and function of industrial areas of the two
cities. Finally, before conclusions, major types of redevelopment of old industrial
areas are introduced.
Table 1
Some basic indicators of Budapest and Warsaw, 2005
Denomination
Budapest
Warsaw
Number of population
1,698,106
1697,596
Number of all enterprises
354,052
300,784
Share of industrial enterprises of all enterprises (%)
4.9
9.3
Number of economic organisations in industry
17,537
27,938
of which in mining and quarring
107
93
in manufacturing
17,227
27,696
in electricity, gas and water supply
203
149
Number of industrial employees
116,768
162,100
of which in manufacturing
107,377
134,300
of which in machinery industry
38,019
11,700
in chemical industry
18,345
…
in manufacture of other non-metallic products
2,545
5,700
in manufacture of wood and paper products, printing and
6,728
25,600*
reproduction of recorded media
in manufacture of food products and bevarages
14,229
34,800
in manufacture of textiles, leather products
17,009
4,000
in manufacturing n. e.c.
3,544
…
Share of industrial employees of all employees (%)
15.2
18.8
Number of unemployed
37,700
57,955
Unemployment rate (%)
4.7
5.6
Number of all enterprises with foreign interest
14,147
14,306
of which in industry
965
…
… no data.
*Without the number of employees in manufacture of wood and paper products.
Source: Statistical Yearbook of Budapest, 2005., Statistical Review Warsaw, 2006.
Kiss, Éva Edit :
Traditional Industrial Areas of Large Cities in the Post-Socialist Era - The Case of Budapest and Warsaw.
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Development of industrial areas before 1989
The formation of industrial areas of Budapest began more than 140 years ago,
when the industrialisation started. The location of industry was influenced by sev-
eral factors, such as natural endowments, prices of land, location of residential
areas, transport possibilities, the spatial pattern of public utilities and different
town-planning measures (Bernát–Viszkei, 1972). Location and spatial distribution
of each branch also began to develop at that time.
By the beginning of the twentieth century, Budapest had become a modern city
with large and significant industrial areas, which formed a crescent around the city
centre. Most of them are found on the left side of the city (as Budapest is divided
into two parts, Buda and Pest, by the river Danube). Later this location considera-
bly determined the urban structure, the land use and the urban landscape of the city.
Neither between World Wars, not after World War II. did any significant
change not take place in this pattern of industrial areas, because new industrial
areas did not emerge between the World Wars, only existing ones developed fur-
ther, and because most companies were rebuilt on the former sites after 1945
(Preisich, 1969).
The industrialisation and the development of industrial areas of Warsaw also
started at the end of the XIX. century. Before World War I. industry was concen-
trated in the city centre, mostly in the western bank of the River Vistula (as War-
saw is also divided into two parts by a river), where the structure of industry was
more multicoloured. At the same time on the eastern bank of the river, mostly ma-
chinery industry dominated. In 1938 more than 224,000 people worked for the
industry of Warsaw (Misztal, 1997). Between 1938 and 1945 about 85% of the
industry of Warsaw was destroyed except for the industry located on the eastern
bank of the river. Thus, after 1945 almost the whole industry had to be redevel-
oped.
During the socialist era the industry of both cities developed very fast. Lots of
new firms were established, the number of employees increased and the industrial
areas continued to expand. The soviet influence on the industrialisation and struc-
ture of industry was particularly strong in case of Warsaw, which had to follow the
model of Russian capital, Moscow (Misztal, 1997). Its branch structure was pri-
marily characterised by branches producing means of production. In the Polish
capital mainly machinery industry, metallurgy, construction developed the fastest,
while in Budapest machinery, chemical, food and textile industries. In the former
one the number of industrial employees increased from 44,000 in 1946 up to
304,000 in 1975 and in the latter one from 348,886 to 544,971.
Due to the fast industrialisation the extent of industrial areas also increased. In
1960 they accounted for 3600ha (6.8%) of Budapest’s area, and in 1986 for
4538ha (8.6%). In contrast, in Warsaw the industry occupied 2300ha (4,5%) in
Kiss, Éva Edit :
Traditional Industrial Areas of Large Cities in the Post-Socialist Era - The Case of Budapest and Warsaw.
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ÉVA EDIT KISS
1985, which was ten times larger than in 1938, when the number of industrial em-
ployees was about 50% lower (Misztal, 1997).
The industrial areas of Budapest formed three main districts: the Northern dis-
trict, the Eastern-southeastern district and the Southern district (Bernát–Viszkei,
1972). As more and more firms were established in these areas during the socialist
era, they became increasingly crowded and polluted, and there was no more space
for any further expansion. For these reasons, their situation within the city became
the source of a lot of tension during the socialist period, which partly persists even
today (Figure 1).
Warsaw had to face similar problems, because of the irrational, extensive utili-
zation of industrial areas. In Warsaw about 80% of all industrial areas were con-
centrated in the ten large industrial zones. Most of them are located in the western
bank of the River Vistula. In a certain sense they are scattered around the city cen-
tre, and this spatial pattern and associated large non-utilised areas have proved
major obstacles to the forming a rational urban structure (Misztal, 1997; Pot-
rykowska, 1995) (Figure 2).
Figure 1
Industrial districts of Budapest in the beginning of 1990s
Source: Based on the source edited by the author (Szakági tanulmányok 1992).
Kiss, Éva Edit :
Traditional Industrial Areas of Large Cities in the Post-Socialist Era - The Case of Budapest and Warsaw.
In: Regionality and/or Locality. Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 2007. 143-155. p. Discussion Papers, Special
TRADITIONAL INDUSTRIAL AREAS OF LARGE CITIES IN THE POST-SOCIALIST…
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Figure 2
Main industrial zones of Warsaw in the second half of 1990s
Source: Misztal S. 1997.
Major trends in industrial areas after 1989
After the change in the political system in 1989 radial changes (organisational,
structural renewal) began in the industry of both cities. Besides this, some other
factors (e.g. privatisation, foreign direct investment, lack of space, increasing envi-
ronment protection, impacts of globalisation, acceleration of tertiarisation) have
also contributed, to a different degree, to the changes in traditional industrial areas,
which have progressed differentially in time and space. In a certain sense they are
the natural consequences of the evolution of industrial firms and areas (Chapman–
Walker, 1988).
Kiss, Éva Edit :
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ÉVA EDIT KISS
The pace and the measure of change are quite different in each quarters of Bu-
dapest and Warsaw since industrial areas and industrial firms are in different
phases of transformation or development. This can be traced back to numerous
factors e.g. size and location of industrial areas or establishments, the branch
structure and the size of the firms which are in the same industrial district. In part,
these are also those elements that influence the fate of each firm and area in a cer-
tain region. There will be such areas in the future too, which will remain almost
without change and there will be such areas too, where the industry will renew, but
such ones will also occur where the industry will disappear and other functions
replace them, even more new industrial regions can come into being.
In case of Budapest, during the almost last two decades, basically, two parallel,
but opposite processes can be observed in the industrial areas. One of them is the
vanishing and functional transformation of industrial areas while the other one
refers to their entire or partial renewal. The former is rather typical of the northern,
northeastern parts of the city, whereas the south, southeastern parts are character-
ised by the latter one. However, it is also doubtless that these trends can occur in
the neighbouring industrial areas or within one industrial area. Changes of last
years show as if this ‘north-south division’ followed by a ‘radial’ functional trans-
formation depends on the distance from the city centre. This means, in fact, that
functional change is more frequent in the industrial areas which are closer to the
centre and have favourable location from other points of view, whereas the indus-
trial renewal is much more typical of industrial areas with more ‘peripheral’ and
distant location. Deindustrialization, rehabilitation of industry and/or reindustriali-
zation takes place simultaneously, but these processes manifest themselves differ-
ently by industrial districts (Kiss, 2002) (Figure 3).
The functional transformation has begun the earliest in the northern and north-
eastern industrial areas of the city, and here it proceeds at a lively pace. Walking
along the main road of the northern district, where both sides of the street once
used to be flanked by different factories and workshops, today’s visitor is faced by
a completely different picture. Only a few old industrial plants are operating mostly
on the right side of the road. On the left side, closer to the Danube, the changes are
more striking. The industrial function is being replaced and today is dominated
mostly by tertiary functions (e.g. commercial, repairing, service and storing func-
tions). Deindustrialization is most advanced here, which is also manifested in the
highest number of closed-down firms between 1990 and 1995. A considerable vol-
ume of investment in the non-producing sector in this region also confirmed this
process (Kiss, 1993).
The rapid functional change in this part of Budapest and the relatively fast dein-
dustrialization are also due to the fact that the inner city is getting crowded in-
creasingly and is expanding mainly absorbing areas to be found not so far from the
city centre and within an easy reach by transport. These industrial areas are very
Kiss, Éva Edit :
Traditional Industrial Areas of Large Cities in the Post-Socialist Era - The Case of Budapest and Warsaw.
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TRADITIONAL INDUSTRIAL AREAS OF LARGE CITIES IN THE POST-SOCIALIST…
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suitable to expand to, so the City penetrates into the former industrial districts
along “feelers”, i.e. along the more important main roads while also transforming
its surroundings to a more or less extent. Due to this process and to the reinforce-
ment of City-functions, centre of Budapest is going to be similar to those of west-
ern cities (Kluczka, 1996). It was a general experience in Warsaw too, that func-
tional change and the decrease of industrial areas have progressed faster in those
industrial areas, which were located relatively close to the city centre.
The change in function and expansion of the central business district can also be
observed in the southern, southeastern parts of Budapest, primarily along the River
Danube. Here the transformation, however, is progressing much slower than in the
north.
Figure 3
Industrial areas of Budapest in 2006
Source: Own elaboration.
Kiss, Éva Edit :
Traditional Industrial Areas of Large Cities in the Post-Socialist Era - The Case of Budapest and Warsaw.
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ÉVA EDIT KISS
Basically, the main trend in this region is the rehabilitation of industry and old
industrial areas. As a consequence the industry must be reckoned with in the long
run. This fact is confirmed by the lower rate of closures of industrial firms between
1990–1995, and on the other industrial investments of greater size than in other
parts of the city (Kiss, 1993). Statistical data for the years of the past two decades
show that about 60–65% of the sum invested have been spent on purchasing ma-
chinery and equipment in the industry of Budapest, primarily imported from devel-
oped countries to raise the technical level, and in a wider sense, to reduce the lag.
During the past decade, owing basically, to the former processes the quality of
the built environment in the traditional industrial areas has also changed for the
better. Rapid and spectacular changes can be observed mostly in those firms where
the owners (investors) were partly or fully foreign. In spite of the fact, that some
new industrial buildings and halls were established in these old industrial areas,
they, in fact have not affected the spatial structure of the industry, because this
renewal process is primarily affected the existing traditional industrial areas. Be-
cause of the high prices of building sites and lack of space, not the capital is the
primary target of ‘greenfield industrial investments’. Taken as a whole, in this re-
gion there have been changes overwhelmingly ‘within factory gates’, within the
area of industrial firms which cannot be seen well by the public, and which do not
have any relevant effect on the spatial structure of industry. This is why they can-
not contribute significantly to the transformation of the urban structure either.
Due to the changes mentioned above the extent of industrial areas in Budapest
has decreased very considerably during the past two decades, especially in the sec-
ond half of the 1990s. According to the survey carried out in 1998, the decrease
was particularly spectacular between 1995 and 1998. Since then the decrease of
old industrial areas have been continued. The latest survey carried out in 2006 has
also proved this. Industrial areas of Budapest have further shrivelled, and nowa-
days they occupy only a few per cents of the area of the city. Deindustrialisation
and functional transformation are closely connected, and they are the most ad-
vanced in the northern part of the city.
In the Polish capital similar trends can be observed as in Budapest. The former
industrial areas have been shrivelled and split up. The most often commercial and
service functions appear on their place. Functional change has also taken place
faster in the industrial areas located close to the city centre. In Warsaw, owing to
the changes taken place in its industry, the extent of its industrial areas has also
decreased in the last two decades, but the decrease was not so spectacular as in
Budapest. Within Warsaw the decrease of the extent of traditional industrial areas
was especially fast in the western part of the city. It seems that industry will mainly
remain in the eastern part of Warsaw and in the periphery of the western part,
where the Ursus factory and the Steel factory (in Mlociny) are located. The reutili-
zation of old and big industrial areas makes more difficult that very often they are
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Traditional Industrial Areas of Large Cities in the Post-Socialist Era - The Case of Budapest and Warsaw.
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polluted. And to clean them is very costly, as a consequence it is very hard to find
such investors who are willing to do that. In fact, the transformation of the indus-
trial areas is a spontaneous process in Warsaw (Figure 4).
Figure 4
Industrial areas of Warsaw in 2004
Source: Sleszynski P. 2005
(Re)utilization of industrial areas
Derelict and/or redundant industrial areas and buildings have or are (re)utilized in
quite different ways in both cities, which, however, show lots of similarities. The
way of reutilization depends on the intricate relationship of different factors (size
and location of the given industrial area, the number of firms accommodated and
their sectoral structure, circle of owners and the volume of changes in the utiliza-
Kiss, Éva Edit :
Traditional Industrial Areas of Large Cities in the Post-Socialist Era - The Case of Budapest and Warsaw.
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ÉVA EDIT KISS
tion of buildings and/or areas within each firm). Basically, there are two main types
of reutilization or redevelopment:
1.original industrial functions remains partly or wholly, where change do not or
hardly take place, at least in their outlook. The case of “Élgép” is the best example
for this type. During the socialist era ”Élgép” was a big state company, but after
1989 in order to survive the organisational and structural changes, it has let out or
sold its redundant buildings and areas, which were occupied by new, mostly
smaller enterprises. It is also worth mentioning that these kind of ‘living together’
are not free from tension and problems, because of different (e.g. unregulated own-
ership) reasons (Figure 5).
Figure 5
At the main entrance of „Élgép” located in the southern industrial district
of Budapest some name-plates indicate the „new lodgers”
Source: Own elaboration.
2.original industrial function disappears partly or wholly, and new mostly non-
industrial (commercial, administrative, office, residential etc.) activities appear. As
there is no possibility to introduce all the possible ways of (re)utilization of tradi-
tional industrial areas, therefore only two main subtypes will be mentioned:
– functional change in an old industrial building: after renovation, reconstruc-
tion or repainting old industrial buildings are reutilized for non-industrial pur-
poses, mostly for commercial and service functions. In Budapest the building of a
former screw-factory located in the northern district has been reutilized in such a
Kiss, Éva Edit :
Traditional Industrial Areas of Large Cities in the Post-Socialist Era - The Case of Budapest and Warsaw.
In: Regionality and/or Locality. Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 2007. 143-155. p. Discussion Papers, Special
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way. At the same time in Warsaw mostly office functions have appeared in old
industrial buildings located relatively close to the city centre. Lots of financial es-
tablishments have occupied the renewed industrial buildings e.g. in Wola, along the
street ‘Kasprzaka’ (Figure 6).
Figure 6
A special way of reutilization
(the original structure of old industrial buildings are kept
and hey are covered by modern glass-walls)
Source: Own elaboration.
Functional change in an old industrial area: former industrial areas are reutilized
for different non-industrial purposes. In the Hungarian capital old industrial areas
are reutilized very often for commercial and service functions. These are brown-
field investments while in Warsaw shopping malls were generally established as
greenfield investments, because there were much freer areas than in Budapest. In
Budapest Duna Plaza is the best example. It was established on the place of a for-
mer shipyard (Figure 7).
In the 1990s mainly commercial and office functions have dominated, but later,
from the turn of millennium other functions (e.g. residential, storing and logistics)
have come to the front. For example: in Poland over 120 office buildings have been
constructed, many of them in Warsaw, since 1989. Thus, Warsaw has become the
largest market of commercial office space in Central Europe by the beginning of
the 21st century (Weclawowicz, 2004). Last years, however, the reutilization for
residential purposes became more and more common in both cities. In 2005 in
Warsaw 2,755 dwellings have been built while in Budapest 12,303. It is also fre-
Kiss, Éva Edit :
Traditional Industrial Areas of Large Cities in the Post-Socialist Era - The Case of Budapest and Warsaw.
In: Regionality and/or Locality. Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 2007. 143-155. p. Discussion Papers, Special
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ÉVA EDIT KISS
quent that one homogeneous industrial area is reutilized for different purposes.
Consequently, it will become an area with mixed, non-industrial functions.
Figure 7
The first shopping and entertainment center of Budapest called Duna Plaza was
opened in 1996
Source: Own elaboration.
Conclusions
After 1989 relevant changes have taken place in the extent and function of former
industrial areas in post-socialist cities. The functional transformation, however, is
not so fast in Warsaw as in Budapest. This can be basically explained by the fact
that in Warsaw there were and still are freer and/or unbuilt areas and because of
this the transformation of industrial areas was not so urgent as in case of Budapest,
where the lack of space was a very important factor. In Budapest the former com-
pact and homogeneous industrial belt has become more heterogeneous and not so
compact as it was before 1990. The decrease of the traditional industrial areas and
their functional transformation will continue in the future too, although their pace
will slow down.
It is also obvious that Budapest has not followed a new unique way. The main
processes in the industrial areas of Budapest have shown clear similarities to the
changes of the industrial areas in west-European cities, though in the case of the
Kiss, Éva Edit :
Traditional Industrial Areas of Large Cities in the Post-Socialist Era - The Case of Budapest and Warsaw.
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Hungarian capital this happened much later. At the same time similarities to the
other East Central European cities (e.g. to Warsaw) can be revealed as well. Thus,
the cities, which are developing in different parts of Europe are becoming more and
more similar to each other (Weclawowicz, 1992).
The reutilization of the traditional industrial areas completely transform their
surroundings and the former industrial landscape. Furthermore the whole urban
landscape, atmosphere and image of the district have been transformed. Even more
the structure of the local society has also changed.
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