Discussion Papers 2007. No. 58.
The Social Characteristics of Hungarian Historic City Centres
CENTRE FOR REGIONAL STUDIES
OF HUNGARIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
DISCUSSION PAPERS
No. 58
The Social Characteristics of Hungarian
Historic City Centres
by
Viktória SZIRMAI
Series editor
Zoltán GÁL
Pécs
2007
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Discussion Papers 2007. No. 58.
The Social Characteristics of Hungarian Historic City Centres
The author is a DSc in Sociology, the head of the Environmental and Urban
Department of the Sociological Research Institute HAS and scientific advisor
at Centre for Regional Studies HAS.
ISSN 0238–2008
ISBN 978–963–9052–76–5
2007 by Centre for Regional Studies of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.
Technical editor: Ilona Csapó.
Printed in Hungary by Sümegi Nyomdaipari, Kereskedelmi és Szolgáltató Ltd., Pécs.
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Discussion Papers 2007. No. 58.
The Social Characteristics of Hungarian Historic City Centres
CONTENTS
1 Introduction .................................................................................................................. 5
2 Spatial relation analysis – a method for verifying changing shift directions and
for micro-space research................................................................................................ 8
3 The transformation of Hungarian city centres, the East Central European trends ......... 9
4 The special features of the societies of Hungarian city centres and East Central
European tendencies .................................................................................................... 12
5 Migration processes ..................................................................................................... 14
6 The social problems of city centres ............................................................................. 16
7 The changing core-periphery model ............................................................................ 21
8 Summary .................................................................................................................... 27
References ......................................................................................................................... 30
Annex ............................................................................................................................. 32
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Discussion Papers 2007. No. 58.
The Social Characteristics of Hungarian Historic City Centres
List of figures
Figure 1 The geographical location of the largest Hungarian cities ................................ 7
Figure 2 The spatial distribution of population by educational level in the
different zones of urban areas ......................................................................... 16
Figure 3 The spatial distribution of population by profession in the different
zones of urban areas ....................................................................................... 17
Figure 4 The spatial location of university and college graduates in Hungarian
urban areas ...................................................................................................... 24
Figure 5 The per capita volume of tax base in Hungarian urban areas .......................... 25
List of tables
Table 1
The distribution of the Hungarian big city sample area by age categories
within the different urban zones ...................................................................... 32
Table 2
The distribution of the Hungarian big city sample area by household size
categories within the different urban zones ..................................................... 32
Table 3
The distribution of the Hungarian big city sample area by educational
level categories within the different urban zones ............................................ 32
Table 4
The distribution of the Hungarian big city sample area by job position
categories within the different urban zones ..................................................... 33
Table 5
The distribution of the Hungarian big city sample area by monthly
personal income categories within the different urban zones .......................... 33
Table 6
The distribution of the acuteness of local problems by urban zones
(average values on a 5 degree evaluation scale) .............................................. 34
Table 7
The distribution of the severity of local conflicts by urban zones
(average values on a 5 degree evaluation scale) ............................................. 35
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Szirmai, Viktória : The Social Characteristics of Hungarian Historic City Centres.
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Discussion Papers, No. 58.
1 Introduction
When taking a walk in Hungarian historic city centres today we don’t feel any
more that something is badly missing in them and we are neither envious com-
paring Hungarian historic city centres with the European ones seeing them on
trips, travelogues or as a locale of art films. Today local citizens running their
errands in the city centre or Hungarian and foreign tourists sightseeing there all
can find the same typical European and global style of built and social environ-
ment in Hungarian city centres like in any other cities of West-Europe. The newly
built or renovated public and private buildings, the regenerated facades, public
spaces, walking and shopping streets, elegant shops, restaurants, coffee houses
and terraces busy in summer, the artistic and other products are all representing a
kind of European style in a special local taste depending on city size, climate,
cultural traditions and lifestyle.
However we were not envying West-European city centres of all things, of
course. We were not envious of their social problems that were so typical for the
metropolises of the 1950–60s with urban riots, pickpockets, crimes, poor districts
and slums emerging in certain spots or in the peripheries of city centres. We were
not envious of the almost invisible internal social boundaries, of the segregation
of rich and poor classes. We were neither envious of the socio-spatial borders
marking where tourists must stop and go no further because this is a no entry zone
– even for local middle classes – where the underclass and handicapped minori-
ties live. But we did envy the clear appearances of wealth concentrated in city
centres: the infrastructural basis of consumption, the renovated and conserved
architectural heritage, the abundance of sights, restaurants and the whole atmos-
phere of a well to do society. But we were unaware how West-European citizens
did see their own cities and city centres. Albeit this was the period when a grow-
ing number of middle class citizens started to abandon their cities out-migrating
into urban peripheries, suburbs and villages in the suburban zone of cities. They
did so just because they had experienced negative phenomena in city centres,
because of the social problems concentrated there and because of the environ-
mental damages and noise of transport.
The emergence and the evolution of the new social trends of market-based so-
cieties creating a new socio-spatial structure, the integration into the European
urban network and the mechanisms of global economy have fundamentally
changed the East Central European and Hungarian urban landscapes. Changing
Hungarian city centres benefited from the same advantages described for West
European city centres but they were hit by the same disadvantages and problems
as well. Social tensions emerged in Hungarian city centres with striking contrasts
between the glamour and the rapid development of city centres and the eroding
physical conditions of inner city districts. Urban environmental pollution and
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noise are getting more and more problematic issues. The contrasts in the social
structure of city centres originating from the emerging market society and from
the spatial impacts of social polarisation are getting more and more spectacular in
the core areas of urban settlements showing the signs of wealth and poverty si-
multaneously. The centres of Hungarian big cities are also getting abandoned, the
outmigration of middle classes from cities is motivated by several factors: their
desire for living in a suburban environment, the new chances the housing markets
offer for them after the change of regime and – for the lower classes – the high
costs of city life, the too expensive real estate prices (and because of losing their
job in the city).
The transition period has already been analysed by several researches. These
researches have highlighted several important correlations between the socio-eco-
nomic processes of Hungarian cities. In scientific aspect we have still insufficient
information on contemporary Hungarian cities especially on their social charac-
teristics. Beyond some signs of similarity we do not really know what processes
have taken place and have been going on in the inner parts of cities. What char-
acteristic features do social processes have in contemporary city centres (and cit-
ies) and what specific attributes do the social structure of city centres and the spa-
tial location of social problems and conflicts have? What social factors determine
the transformation of Hungarian historic city centres? This paper is seeking an-
swers for these issues through a comparative analysis of the historic city centres
of Hungarian cities, through the matching of Hungarian trends with West-Euro-
pean and East-Central European ones by presenting their most dominant mecha-
nisms. I am starting from the assumption that generally the social changes of the
Hungarian urban society are following the major European and East Central
European trends in a historically determined Hungarian environment. The com-
parative analysis besides the re-interpretation of the relevant international re-
search results is based on the results of a questionnaire survey having been carried
out within the framework of National Research Development Programme in 9
Hungarian cities and their environment under the title ‘Urban Spaces, Socio-
Spatial Inequalities and Conflicts – the Socio-Spatial Factors of European Com-
petitiveness’.1
1 The objective of the basic and applied research carried out between 2004 and 2007 in Hungarian
big cities and their urban areas is investigating the socio-spatial differences and social conflicts
between the Hungarian urban areas and analysing the impacts of socio-economic problems on the
social competitiveness of cities. Several methods have been used in the research. Beyond a repre-
sentative survey of the local citizens, a document and a press analysis have been prepared and 100
interviews were made covering different profession groups. The project is operating in a corpo-
rate form of consortium. The leader of consortium is the Sociological Research Institute of HAS.
The collaborating partners of the consortium are as follows: West-Hungarian Research Institute
CRS HAS Central Transdanubian Research Group, Pestterv Pest County Regional, Settlement
and Environmental Planning and Consulting Ltd., Kodolányi János College, The Regional Busi-
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Discussion Papers, No. 58.
Figure 1
The geographical location of the largest Hungarian cities
Source: Edited by Szépvölgyi Á.
ness Development Foundation of Székesfehérvár. Project leader: Viktória Szirmai. The research
sample area comprises urban areas centred by Hungarian big cities labelled so by the categorisa-
tion of Hungarian settlement geography (cities with over 100 thousand inhabitants) and their sub-
urban zones. The project’s sample area covers nine Hungarian big cities: Budapest with its ag-
glomeration and eight Hungarian cities with over 100 thousand inhabitants – Debrecen, Gyır,
Kecskemét, Miskolc, Nyíregyháza, Pécs, Szeged, Székesfehérvár with their suburban zones. The
spatial delimitation of cities in case of Budapest has been specified by law (89/1997 (V. 28.) De-
cree of the Hungarian Government specifying 81 settlements as members of the Budapest ag-
glomeration). The delimitation of provincial cities has been specified by the Central Statistical
Office’s classification of agglomerations, agglomerating areas and settlement groups.
The questionnaire survey was prepared in the above-listed cities, their suburban zones and in two
control settlements. A personal questionnaire was used as a method for data input resulting in
5248 successful interviews. The interviews were recorded between 12 November and 12 Decem-
ber 2005. The residential survey was conducted by TÁRKI Plc. on behalf of Sociological Re-
search Institute HAS.
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2 The transformation of European city centres
The perishing of urban environment was perceptible in European city centres
during the 1950s and 60s. The concentration of urban development and the immi-
gration of rural population into urban settlements and the growth of urban popu-
lation resulted in quickly eroding housing estates turning into slums. The prob-
lems of natural environment, the level of noise, transport problems, the immigra-
tion of marginalised social classes, the concentration of underclass and handi-
capped ethnic minorities and deviant social behaviours grew to an unbearable
level for the locals. Due to the above-mentioned factors the wealthy part of urban
society outmigrated from city centres. The outmigration of urban middle classes
slowed down the development of metropolitan centres and inner city districts
were also abandoned. The decentralisation of economy and the relocation of ur-
ban economy into outer urban zones further intensified the decline of city centres.
As a result of socio-economic suburbanisation the growth dynamism of suburban
population was extreme. A new structure of urban society was born. Suburbani-
sation created a ‘structural deficit’ for urban centres, as wealthy classes moved
out to peripheral districts while lower classes kept living there (Innovative Poli-
cies…1996, Territorial Development…1999). The 1970-80s gave a rise to immi-
grations as well. Foreign workers coming from African, Asian and Latin-Ameri-
can countries settled down in perishing urban districts and labour quarters in the
proximity of city centres (Hermann–Leuthold, 2005). (The proportion of immi-
grants in some Swiss urban centres was higher than 50% (Hermann–Leuthold,
2005). The number of central urban quarters with disadvantageous social envi-
ronment, marginal or deviant social classes and accumulated social problems and
conflicts, being unable to provide the essential basis for the social integration of
their local residents increased in every cities of West-Europe (Berger, 1998, 269–
283).
During the 1980–90s new trends emerged in spatial economic processes. In the
socially developed West-European countries (even in the USA and Japan) the
quick (re)centralisation of social economic life, the metropolitan concentration of
global capital with its institutional system, multi-regional, interregional and trans-
national corporations, service sector and qualified labour force were the major
processes (Sassen, 1991, 17–35; Veltz, 1996, 33). The demands of global econ-
omy required functional changes in central urban districts, such as the transfor-
mation of residential districts into administrative and business quarters. Several
urban regeneration projects had been carried out in the city centres of Europe.
These processes were formed through the articulation of the demands of global-
isation and global economy towards urban centres, the globalisation generated
social groups’ demands for positioning themselves into urban centre located
dwelling places. As various researches pointed out top-ranked global corporations
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and their attached new classes – top salary managers, highly qualified profession-
als and stakeholder employees are generally located in central urban districts
while the routine-like national companies and the members of the national middle
class are situated rather in urban peripheries or good quality suburbs (Sassen,
1991, 245–322). The new trends of segregation referred to as ‘enbourgeoisement’
or ‘gentrification’ in literature gave a rise to upper middle classes in central urban
districts. This unimportant now but continuously growing class is forming the
structure of urban society in a special way. These ‘metropolitan businessmen’, the
members of transnational middle-class society, international professionals, the
key representatives of the academic, higher education and media sphere, the
members of European governments, international organisations are the products
of the development of service sector. They are not living in one city only, but
travelling around cities and visiting various institutions located in urban centres;
hotels, restaurants and major cultural events (Martinotti, 2004).
Since the 1990s the social structure of European cities has been formulated by
the complementary and contradictory processes of gentrification and marginalisa-
tion. Gentrification is the most characteristic feature of historic urban centres, of
the traditional elite urban quarters (‘Beaux Quartiers’) and elegant suburbs, while
marginalisation is rather typical in peripheral urban districts (Herman–Leuthold,
2005, 4). Following the regeneration of urban centres the wealthy, native-born
urban classes moved out from their old broken-down homes built in the 1950–60s
and migrated into the residential quarters of inner city zones. Their abandoned
homes were occupied by socially low-ranked immigrants and deprived classes.
This process created a new spatial system of social inequalities, a wide gap be-
tween the central urban quarters of professional, wealthy and modern urban
classes and the outer urban districts (periphery) of poorly educated, low-trained
groups, less integrated to the urban society (Herman–Leuthold, 2005, 12).
3 The transformation of Hungarian city centres,
the East Central European trends
Since the 1970s Hungarian and East Central European city centres have continu-
ously been suffering from several problems: the physical breakdown of historic
monuments and residential homes, the growing number of slums, the perishing of
natural environment. The symptoms of urban deterioration became more signifi-
cant in the 1980s. The social impacts of physical degradation were far less serious
in the cities of East Central Europe than in West Europe. Although some social
scientists had predicted some problems in the structure of urban society; the con-
centration of the poor, the old-aged and the Roma population in large cities was
significant even in the periods mentioned above (Ladányi–Szelényi 1988, 83;
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Musil, 2002) but the massive outmigration of middle classes from urban periph-
eries did not start at that time, though the distribution mechanisms of state hous-
ing provision, the building of new housing estates created some opportunity for
some ‘quasi-suburbanisation’. In several cases the society of housing estates was
originating from the outmigration of the wealthy, socially high-positioned classes
from city centres with better political chances for the enforcement of their inter-
ests. Within the framework of a centralized (redistributive) state housing provi-
sion system the modern, new housing estates built in the outer belt of city centres
or in urban outskirts equipped with all comfort and amenities were considered as
an acknowledgement of social and political position and a bonus for the loyalty to
the state. The less preferential middle-class and lower middle classes, positioned
at a lower level of the social and political ranking system, had no chances for
leaving their homes located in urban centres within the framework of the state
housing provision system (Cséfalvay, 1995, 41). During the period of state so-
cialism suburbanisation was far less intensive in East Central Europe than in West
European cities (Musil, 2002). This is explained by the strict limitations of the
urban private home building regulations (Illés, 2002, 79). The Hungarian housing
management system was more liberal than the regulation of house-building by
introducing a more or less market-conform housing management practice.
The physical and social problems of East Central European historic city cen-
tres are partly originating from the past heritage of socialism. The development of
urban centres was not or was only partly integrated into urban policies (Lichten-
berger et al. 1995). By the ideology of state socialism the city centre is labelled as
a kind of conservative, bourgeois phenomenon and for this reason urban devel-
opment decisions attained no priority to the city centre. Political, ideological con-
siderations, the efforts for managing the housing problems of the labour class, the
demand for the treatment of quantitative housing shortages (among them the mo-
tivations of construction and house manufacturing companies) also played an
important role in attaining key importance to the development of housing estates.
Due to the utilisation of infrastructural development funds for housing estate con-
struction purposes state or local government financed urban regeneration pro-
grammes and development projects were completely eliminated or were com-
pleted at certain urban spots only. The involvement of private capital into these
projects was also impossible at that time.
The 1990s was a period of fundamental changes. These changes took place in
a very contradictory way with a rapid and spectacular development at certain
spots of urban centres while other parts were lagging and gradually perishing. The
advantages of urban restructuring are originating from ‘big city life’-styled devel-
opment processes, from the domination of business and commercial functions.
This assigns characteristic features for metropolitan centres: the building of finan-
cial centres, banks, office quarters the building of new or the rehabilitation of
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urban economic and commercial centres, the construction of their servicing infra-
structure, building or renewing hotels, shopping centres and business or market
oriented real estate developments. The elegant shops, the new restaurants, bars
and cafeterias, pedestrian streets, tourist spots create a modern urban environment
in city centres.
Inner city quarters, with their new architectural styles invoke the atmosphere
of global and West-European cities. This is explained by the stronger dependence
of the inner cities’ urban restructuring on the expansion of global economy and on
its local impacts than on the processes of national economy. The special urban
features of city centres, hotels, office blocks, commercial centres, self-service
restaurants, amusement centres become more and more standardised from the
functional solutions and applied design serving the interests of big multinational
commercial and servicing firms. This inner city structure, turning more and more
homogenous in its tendency, is mostly representing the interests of transnational
and cosmopolitan elite groups (Martinotti, 2004, 9).
Central urban residential quarters are also undergoing a progressive develop-
ment process. This is partly correlating with the fact that the transformation of
residential homes into offices, the letting out of flats for office purposes with the
renovation of buildings beforehand became typical trends following the privatisa-
tion of state homes. The increasing number of regenerated urban quarters and
zones is an everyday process of our time. They are formulated by different mod-
els, in most cases within the framework of public-private partnerships. So far the
rehabilitation models organised on social basis were rather plans or experiments
than living realities. For this reason the slow and isolated nature of urban regen-
eration projects is a general problem in East Central European cities.
The implementation of the rehabilitation projects of central urban residential
districts are hindered by the poor financial resources of local governments, which
are too low for funding comprehensive urban regeneration projects. Home privati-
sation models are also problematic, as the majority of East Central Europeans is a
homeowner with low income, and the renovation of their house or flat is unaf-
fordable for them. The sharpening of social polarisation and the increasing in-
come differences are also obstructive factors of involving private capital into re-
generation projects. For this reason the physical deterioration, the amortisation of
homes in the socially handicapped, broken-down urban core districts of East
Central European capitals is a growing tendency. The quality of public spaces in
urban centres, the living environment of green belts have significantly worsened,
particularly in areas situated off the beaten track of the mainstream of urban de-
velopment.
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4 The special features of the societies of Hungarian city centres
and East Central European tendencies
During the 1990s the population of the urban centres of East Central Europe radi-
cally fell off. This is a natural consequence of city centre’s formation, of its
changing historic role, of its weakening residential purposes, and of the domina-
tion of business-administrative functions (Lichtenberger, 1995b, 128). Increasing
suburbanisation, the intensification of outmigration processes and the natural de-
crease of population have all contributed to the downfall of inner city residents.
Hungarian big cities and their urban peripheries are facing more or less similar
processes. The number of inhabitants has decreased by 5% in the urban area of
the 9 big cities between 1993 and 20032. The depopulation rate of these cities
exceeded the national average (1.6%). It was nearly the highest (nearly 7%) in
Budapest agglomeration while the total population of the 8 provincial cities de-
creased by 1.5%. The highest dropdown rate of population has undergone in the
cities themselves. It was 14.6% in Budapest and 4.8% in the other 8 big cities as
an average. In urban peripheries (mostly between 1998 and 2003) the number of
inhabitants increased by 15.7%. The highest rate of increase can be seen in the
urban peripheries of Budapest and Debrecen (20.2% and 30.6%) and the lowest in
the urban periphery of Miskolc (3.4%).
The socio-demographic structure of today’s urban regions is undergoing fun-
damental changes.3 The results of the representative investigation in the urban
area of the 9 big cities show a relatively balanced age structure in the urban soci-
2 The statistical data have been selected from the time series data and from the 2001 census data of
Hungarian Central Statistical Office for the years 1993, 1998, 2001 and 2003. For a more detailed
analysis see Balázsné, Varga Margit: A magyarországi nagyvárosok társadalmi jellemzıi: társa-
dalomstatisztikai elemzés [The Social Characteristics of Hungarian Big Cities: A Socio-statistical
Analysis]. Budapest, 2005. (Prepared within the framework of Hungarian National research-De-
velopment Programme titled ‘Socio-economic Inequalities and Conflicts – the Socio-spatial Fac-
tors of European Competitiveness).
3 The zoning of the 9 urban areas of our investigation was partly made on the basis of the tradi-
tional (human and ecological) classification categories of urban sociology and partly by local ex-
periences and on-site inspection walks. The following major urban zones were delimited: central
urban zone or the historic city centre in other words. It is the old town and the first employment
zone with the city’s employment organisations of outstanding importance (administrative bodies,
banks and credit institutes, educational and cultural organisations, offices etc.), business, com-
mercial and entertainment facilities. This area is characterized by multi-storey office blocks and
high built-in density. The transitional zone comprises industrial plants and commercial centres
with their surrounding residential quarters. The suburban zone consists of satellite cities standing
in close functional relationship with the city. These satellite cities used to function in administra-
tive sense as independent settlements in the past. Today this zone has residential functions pri-
marily. It is generally built in with private houses, housing estates or nowadays more and more
gated residential communities are emerging here.
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ety of city centres with only a slight deviation from the sample area’s average
value (see Annex, Table 1). In accordance with the East Central European trends
the percentage of the age group over 60 in city centres (and central urban dis-
tricts) is slightly exceeding the average. The concentration of the age group of
18–29 in central urban districts is much more outstanding (this is not true in case
of upper age groups). The results of representative survey are indicating a higher
than average presence of the youngest and the oldest generations.
The high concentration of single or two member households in urban centres is
also a living reality while larger households are located in suburban districts
(Weclawowicz, 1998, 58). Hungarian researches are also indicating a higher con-
centration of single or two member households in city centres (in transitional
zones) than in the sample while four member households or more are typically
located in suburban zones and urban peripheries (see Annex, Table 2).
The society of city centres is well-educated (see Annex, Table 3). Our research
is indicating a below than average ratio of low educated and an above than aver-
age ratio of social groups with secondary education and an even higher rate of
university graduates. (The ratio of classes with low educational level is generally
higher in the central urban zones of provincial cities, while the ratio of classes
with secondary grammar school and engineering school certificate and university
degree is higher in the central urban zones of Budapest.)
The ratio of private entrepreneurs, top positioned employees and principally of
brain workers is higher in city centres than their average rate in the sample (see
Annex, Table 4). Manual workers are located in urban peripheries or in suburban
zones in city centres their ratio is by far lower than the average of the sample area.
(In provincial city centres the ratio of manual workers is higher than in the central
urban zones of Budapest).
Our research has revealed that the poorest social classes are located not in city
centres but rather in suburban zones and urban peripheries. The ratio of classes
with the lowest monthly income is lower than the average in city centres while the
percentage of social classes with the highest monthly income is above the average
here (see Annex, Table 5).
As a general rule East Central European cities are not experiencing those
striking territorial manifestations of international migration that some cities of the
Western world are facing. Legal or illegal immigrants are not segregated into
separated urban quarters. Our investigations having been made so far are indicat-
ing that the high social classes of Western immigrants are living in the more elite
zones of cities in renovated or regenerated central urban quarters or in elegant
suburbs. Lower social classes especially immigrants from the east have settled
down in the cheaper residential quarters of cities or in low-ranked suburban
housing estates (Drbohlav–Cermák, 1998; Beluszky–Szirmai, 2000).
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Hungarian big cities are facing similar trends: the high classes of the foreign-
ers of the sample (or to be more precise the foreigners immigrating into the 9
cities of our research) have settled down in historic city centres, in traditional in-
ner city quarters, in good quality residential and villa quarters and in gated resi-
dential communities. The low social classes of immigrants live in less elegant
residential quarters and socially low-ranked garden city houses. All these are veri-
fying the presence of global trends in Hungary as well.
Our research data are indicating on the one hand that the ratio of well-
educated, top positioned, and brain worker groups and wealthy classes is high in
city centres. On the other hand our researches have also revealed that poverty is
not a typical phenomenon in city centres (and in the central zones of Budapest
either) but it is rather more a characteristic feature of suburbs and the village zone
of urban peripheries. This is true even if city centres have disadvantaged social
groups as well. But our researches on the social structure of city centres, on the
socio-demographic features of urban areas have also confirmed that the social
status of Hungarian city centre residents is by far higher than the average social
position of the residents of urban areas. All these factors are clear evidences of the
social modernisation of city centres and of their harmonisation with the current
social development tendencies of West European city centres.
5 Migration processes
The population of Hungarian big city centres changes frequently. Our research
data show that it is the city centres where the lowest number of people lives since
their birth. While out of every big city resident every ninth has been living in the
same city where he was born this is true only for 9% of city centre residents.
Within this group the ratio of people with secondary school certificate and with
university or college degree is higher than the average. The farther we are going
out of the central urban zone hierarchically the higher is the number of citizens
having been living in the same urban quarter where they were born. About one-
third of the residents of urban peripheries have been living at the same residence
since their birth. (In transitional zones secondary school and university graduates,
in suburban zones people of the lowest educational level, in advanced urban pe-
ripheries people with primary and secondary education and in underdeveloped
urban peripheries people of secondary education and skilled workers have been
living in the largest number at the same residence since their birth).
In the urban areas of our investigation 25% of city centre residents moved into
the city centre before 1980. Between 1980 and 1990 the immigration speed into
city centres slowed down: 14.5% of today’s city centre residents settled down at
that time. After 1990 the progress of immigration speeded up again. 22.3% of our
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respondents living in the city centre now settled down here between 1990 and
2000 and 28.6% after 2000.
Before 1980 the share of the lowest classes (people with primary education
and manual workers) was the highest among immigrants settling down in city
centres. Between 1980 and 2000 the influx of the lowest and middle classes
(manual workers, people with secondary education) into city centres was the most
dominant urban migration trend but after 2000 the immigration of the lowest so-
cial classes into city centres became insignificant but middle classes (manual and
brain workers, entrepreneurs) were still in great number among immigrants set-
tling down in city centres.
The ratio of citizens graduated from university or college among the new set-
tlers of city centres has been gradually decreasing since 1980 (their ratio among
the population of city centres was 30.3% between 1980 and 1990, 26.9% between
1990 and 2000 and 26.1% after 2001). Where did high social classes, especially
the professionals graduated from universities move after 1980? Our researches
have pointed out that since 1980 they have continuously been moving into ad-
vanced suburban zones but in a falling off trend since 1990. After 1990 additional
migration trends were emerging. (In advanced suburban zones the percentage of
university or college graduates was fairly high between 1980 and 1990 (25%).
Between 1991 and 2000 out of the new immigrants into advanced suburban zones
19.5% possessed a university or college degree. After 2001 their share among
immigrants was 18.2%. (Their percentage in the research sample is 12.9%).)
High social classes emerged in suburban zones as well after 1990 in a gradu-
ally increasing tendency. Between 1981 and 1990 only 5.4% of newcomers set-
tling down in suburbs possessed a university or college degree and this ratio in-
creased to 12.3% between 1991 and 2000 and to 16% after 2001 (the ratio of citi-
zens possessing university or college degree is 8.8% in the sample). Since 2000
they select underdeveloped suburban zones as well for their place of residence.
20% of the newcomers to the city centre at this period are university or college
graduates (Their average rate in the sample is 4.5%) (Figure 2).
Compared to the sample area’s average many socially low positioned immi-
grants into city centres with primary education have come from underdeveloped
suburbs and rural areas. Among middle classes moving into city centres skilled
workers doing manual jobs have come from underdeveloped urban districts and
from advanced urban peripheries. The majority of others with secondary educa-
tion with engineering school certificate doing brainwork have come from housing
estates or from underdeveloped villages of urban periphery. The ratio of profes-
sional classes moving to city centres from elite urban zones and advanced urban
peripheries and suburban villa zones is relatively high compared to the research
sample.
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Discussion Papers, No. 58.
Figure 2
The spatial distribution of population by educational level in the different
zones of urban areas
underdeveloped urban
46,8
28,5
19,7
5
periphery
33,5
25,8
28
12,7
advanced urban periphery
38,2
21,1
31,5
9,2
suburban zone
27,4
19,3
34,1
19,2
transitional zone
18
14,2
39
28,8
central urban zone
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
maximum primary school
vocational school
grammar school, engineering school certificate
university or college degree
Source: Edited by Zoltán Ferencz on the basis of the questionnaire survey data carried out in 9
urban areas of Hungary.
Many (26.2%) of the inhabitants of city centres even if they changed their
place of residence did not leave the central urban zone of their city. It is a typical
phenomenon for every professional group that they have moved to their present
site of residence (at the time of our investigation) from a nearby urban district.
This is even truer for low social classes. Their earlier rate of presence in city cen-
tres is higher than in the sample (Figure 3).
Citizens selecting the city centre for their living environment consider the es-
sential determinants of their urban lifestyle very important. This is verified by
their answers to our inquiry on the motivating factors of their residential site se-
lection. The decisions of all the respondents of our research sample were moti-
vated by their own family’s domestic affairs. These reasons were completed by
additional explanations such as looking for better housing, seeking for better jobs,
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Discussion Papers, No. 58.
better career opportunities and higher salaries. The ratio of citizens explaining
their decisions on selecting the city centre to their place of residence by better
housing and employment, better transportation, better education and more suitable
(for them) social environment in their neighbourhood was higher than the average
of total respondents. The ratio of citizens explaining their decision on living in the
city centre by its faster development progress was also above the average.
Figure 3
The spatial distribution of population by profession in the different
zones of urban areas
underdeveloped urban
7,5 4,8
12,6
75,1
periphery
8,4 4,7
23,3
63,6
advanced urban periphery
5,8 4,2
20,7
69,3
suburban zone
7,9
7,9
32,3
51,9
transitional zone
9,4
8,6
42,5
39,5
central urban zone
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
private entrepreneur
high positioned employee
brain worker
manual worker
Source: Edited by Zoltán Ferencz on the basis of the questionnaire survey data carried out in 9
urban areas of Hungary.
The majority of urban residents do not intend to change their location of resi-
dence (79.6% of urban residents and 78.4% of city centre residents). Only 13% of
citizens are determined for changing their residential location and 7.3% are
wishing to move out from the city centre but their present circumstances do not
make it possible. Of the residents of urban peripheries only 4.5% are confident in
changing their site of residence and 4.2% are wishing to move but their present
circumstances do not make it possible.
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The ratio of city centre residents confident in changing their site of residence
(17.5%) is highly exceeding the ratio of the sample area. Of the group being con-
fident in moving the ratio of secondary grammar school and engineering school
certificate holders doing brainwork is much higher than the average. Of the group
confident in moving out from the city centre the ratio of brainworkers is also ex-
ceeding the average. In the group intending but having no possibilities for leaving
the city centre the ratio of people with secondary level education is high and the
ratio of manual workers is extremely high.
Low and middle classes living but intending to leave the city centre are rea-
soning their decisions principally with their living conditions: the high costs of
living in the city centre, their hopes for more affordable living and housing costs
at their new location of residence. These classes are also disturbed by the urban
society of city centres. (Our research is indicating that the social structure of cen-
tral urban quarters is strongly criticized by all of its segments but primarily by the
lowest and the highest social classes.) Manual workers who live in the city centre
are looking for better employment chances and higher salaries aspiring to finding
their new homes in Hungary’s more advanced regions. High classes would appre-
ciate a better quality of natural environment and the possibility for leading rural
lifestyle the best at their new place of residence.
More than 60% of people intending to leave the city centre would like to live
in the same city as before and 17% in the neighbourhood of their present home.
Within this group the ratio of the highest and the lowest classes (including entre-
preneurs) is very high. About 14% are intending to move out into villages in the
neighbour of cities. Many of them have secondary educational level and they are
employed as manual or brain workers.
Demonstrating the correlation between social and professional hierarchy and
the residential zone’s hierarchy by a correlation analysis between the position of
different social groups and their preferences of residential site selection is the
major result of our research. Our research data are indicating a high ratio of low
social classes intending to leave the city centre select socially low-ranked urban
districts for their new home. These are either poor urban districts in the proximity
of city centres or garden city villa suburbs or urban peripheries of rural style.
Middle classes in central urban zones prefer elite residential districts and also
favour garden city districts or gated residential communities in their residential
site selection. The highest social classes and professionals intending to leave the
city centre follow two patterns in the selection of their new site of residence: they
either move out to elite central urban districts of their cities, the historic old town
part or escape out of the city to suburban garden villa quarters or elite gated resi-
dential communities. Brainworkers and professionals prefer rural style urban pe-
ripheries for their living environment.
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Discussion Papers, No. 58.
6 The social problems of city centres
The research is starting from the assumption that the transition period with its
increasing social problems and inequalities of urban societies – in the context of
globalisation – may result in sharpening social conflicts4. In our investigation of 9
big cities in Hungary we queried the residents of the research sample on their
opinions on the social problems of big cities how acute they considered them,
what social conflicts they were experiencing in their residential environment and
how severe they considered them5.
As regards the acuteness of the social problems of big cities the majority of re-
spondents mentioned increasing poverty as the most critical problem (3.54%).
Homelessness (3.17%), waste deposits (3.12%) were ranked as less serious but
still important issues.
City centre residents attached below than average but suburban residents at-
tached above than average importance to the issues of poverty. Homelessness was
mentioned as a serious problem in an above average rate by city centre residents
(and of transitional urban quarters). Alcoholism, burglary, organic delinquency,
taking drugs, national ethnic conflicts, prostitution, segregation, the coexistence
of the two different social classes are clearly perceptible and ranked by city centre
residents as critical (above average severity level). (See Annex, Table 6).
In conformity with the European trends, the social problems of city centres, or
central urban quarters in the proximity of city centres in Hungary are manifested
more intensively than in the suburbs. Getting outside of city advancing downward
by the ‘urban slope’ the acuteness of urban problems is gradually decreasing. An
interesting phenomenon is that the residents of advanced urban agglomerations
evaluate the problems of their social environment the least acute.6 However there
4 The increasing chances for the intensifying of social conflicts have been verified by the relevant
international literature as well. Sassen is stating that social conflicts have an extremely brutal
character in global cities; the tensions between the rich and the poor classes are manifested by
continuous fights between elite and socially low-ranked urban quarters (Sassen, 2000).
5 The respondents to our questionnaire survey weighed the acuteness of social problems on a scale
of five degrees where degree 1 represented the minimal level acuteness of problems and degree 5
represented the maximum level acuteness of problems.
6 The research sample of the residential survey included maximum three settlements from the most
advanced and maximum three settlements from the backwarded background settlements of each
big city. The background settlements were selected by a non-parametric trial named as ranking
number method. The ranking was made by the consideration of the indices as follows: accessibil-
ity, housing conditions, public and higher education, health service, the activity intensity of local
entrepreneurs, taxation, incomes, employment, unemployment, mobility and social provision. The
final development ranking was prepared on the basis of the summarized ranking of indices. In
each urban area maximum three settlements from the most advanced and maximum three from
the most backwarded ones were selected into the sample. These two settlement groups are stand-
ing behind the terms of ‘advanced’ and ‘backwarded’ urban peripheries. We have gained very
useful experiences from the differentiation of advanced and underdeveloped urban peripheries but
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is one thing that differs from the above-described trend. Increasing poverty was
ranked as the most acute problem of urban society by the residents of underdevel-
oped suburban districts and urban peripheries (and reflects the objective reality as
well).
A very important result of research is that the ranking of the different problems
of urban society is correlating with the concentration of specific social groups in
different urban zones and with the individuals’ social and personal involvements.
In central urban quarters the lowest social classes evaluate the problems of their
local society (homelessness, segregation, alcoholism, taking drugs, prostitution,
ethnic conflicts, increasing poverty) as the most serious ones. The high social
classes of city centres are less worried about the social problems of their local
society.
However this trend is turning into a reverse direction in urban peripheries.
Low social classes in the neighbourhood of cities seem to be less sensitive about
social problems while higher classes (especially in villages with poor infrastruc-
ture) evaluate the social issues of their residential environment more problematic.
City dwellers feel social conflicts much more severe and experience them
more frequently than the residents of urban peripheries though the evaluations on
the five grade scale show a rather weak level of conflicts in absolute sense. (The
conflicts between the rich and the poor classes, between the Hungarians and other
nationalities, between the old and the young generation seem to be the most in-
tense. Our respondents evaluated the conflicts between the residents of city cen-
tres and of urban peripheries and the conflicts between families with children and
childless families to be the weakest ones.) City centre residents rank the acuteness
level of almost every kind of social conflicts (except conflicts arising from differ-
ences in educational level and from differences in nationality) than the average
(see Annex, Table 7). City centre residents ranked the severity degree of conflicts
between the citizens of Budapest and the residents of provincial settlements, be-
tween the old and the young and the old generation and between the rich and the
poor classes by far higher scores than the average.
The analysis of social professional groups shows a similar trend to the ones
seen at the investigation on the acuteness of social problems. University or col-
lege graduates living in the city centre score the severity degree of social conflicts
below the average and the also experience them more frequently than the average.
It is interesting at the same time that the highest sensitivity to social problems is
shown not by the low educated classes but rather by people with secondary edu-
cation level. People graduated from secondary grammar school and engineering
they will be presented in another paper. Differentiating advanced urban peripheries from the un-
derdeveloped ones is very important as it calls the attention for such a new meaning of ‘urban
slope’ which explains the double meanings of core and periphery (See our explanation at a later
part of this paper).
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school are attaching more importance to social problems and they report they
experience their occurrence more frequently as well. The high social classes and
university graduates of urban peripheries experience a higher severity of social
conflicts and a higher frequency of their occurrence than the average.
The results of our research on the one hand are indicating that the ranking of
urban social problems and the opinions on their degree of acuteness are basically
determined by the rank of their residential environment within the urban social
hierarchy and by the concentration level of local social tensions. Cities and city
centres are generating and accumulating a much higher number of problems and
tensions than their peripheries. (This is verified by several statistical analyses). On
the other hand our researches have also proved that the ranking of social problems
and the scoring of their severity degree are also determined by the respondents’
social positions. A person’s social status, involvement, past experiences, problem-
oriented personal ambitions, influencing power and his attitudes towards other
social classes are additional but also very important determinants.
7 The changing core-periphery model
Living in European city centres has still preserved its high social reputation.
Unlike the American high society West-European middle classes have never re-
fused living in central urban zones. Their outmigration rate from city the centre
was never as high as in American cities.
The residents of Hungarian big city centres including middle classes are also
highly appreciating the advantages of their central location in the city. City centre
residents (mostly the lowest and the highest social classes) are more satisfied with
the infrastructure, with the cultural and entertainment facilities, with the employ-
ment opportunities, with the urban regeneration processes and built environment
of the city centre than the average. On the other hand they (especially high social
classes) are less satisfied with the city centre’s natural environment, air pollution
level, and with the state of green areas. However in our analysis of migration ten-
dencies we have recognized that actually only a minor part of city centre residents
leave the city centre. This means that the central parts of big cities are still valu-
able places to live at. What impacts does it have on the traditional core-periphery
model and its social content?7 In the traditional core-periphery model the social
7 I used core-periphery model in socio-geographic and sociological sense. In socio-geographic
sense the core should be interpreted as the spatial centre of a certain geographic unit while pe-
riphery means the outer space of the geographic unit. Between core and outer space there may
exist economic, infrastructural, functional and social differences or disparities. These disparities
are marking out the spatial centre of the geographic unit and the periphery's ecological and social
positions. In sociological sense core and periphery are marking out the social rank of the geo-
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position of residents is the highest in the city centre. The farther we are moving
from the centre the lower it is.
In Hungary big cities (including Budapest) the core-periphery model has never
followed directly this pure analogy. City centres had always residents from the
lower classes as well. This goes back to architectural reasons on the one hand and
to the traditional structure of urban societies resulting from the low percentage of
upper and middle classes. The traditional core-periphery model was in change
even in the period of state socialism. Some parts of central urban zones lost their
high social reputation, because of the physical erosion of their certain quarters and
because of the outmigration of middle classes. The emergence of new residential
quarters increased the social prestige of transitional urban zones and all these
were standing in the way of the decreasing social hierarchy of moving outside the
city centre. This could be graphically illustrated by a downward line following an
upward line like in a wave. However the transition period introduced a new socio-
spatial structure. This has been verified by our researches as well.
We have investigated the social structure of urban areas on several levels
within the framework of National Research Development Programme titled ‘Ur-
ban Areas, Socio-spatial Inequalities and Conflicts – The Socio-spatial Factors of
European Competitiveness’. By statistical data analyses we have examined the
infrastructural and institutional background of urban areas8 (Baráth–Molnár–
Szépvölgyi, 2005a). The analyses revealed the inequalities of infrastructural and
institutional supply between cities and their neighbourhood (background settle-
ments), the advantageous positions of cities and the disadvantageous positions of
neighbourhood settlements. The inequalities of infrastructural and institutional
supply between cities and their neighbourhood and the geographical units of ur-
ban areas are marking such ecological positions at the same time that are resulting
from differences between core (the city) and peripheral areas (the neighbourhood)
originating from their differing infrastructural and institutional supply indices.
Following the mapping of the infrastructural and institutional supply of urban
areas we prepared a comparative analysis on the social structure of cities and their
environment. 'From the series of comparative analyses of social statistical data it
became evident that cities and their environment have strictly hierarchical social
graphical unit's population in the social hierarchy and the social position of population living in
core and peripheral areas.
8 For investigating the infrastructural and institutional supply of urban areas we compared back-
ground settlements and their urban areas as well as the major factors affecting their accessibility
such as their access by dual carriageway and main road s, a coherent system of railway and road
connections, the frequency and quality of public transport services, the parameters of real estates
and the characteristics of different public utility works. We have assessed the institutional supply
in education, health service, cultural facilities and economic, social and commercial services. Our
examination of the development process covered a 10 year period between 1993 and 2003. The
majority of data sources we have used were provided by the Hungarian Central Statistical Office.
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structure, high social classes tend to live in cities and low social classes are rather
located in the outskirts of cities (Baráth–Molnár–Szépvölgyi, 2005b).
The representative sociological research of the 9 urban areas has set up the
socio-spatial hierarchy not only in terms of cities and their environment but also
of the internal structure of cities. Going outward from city centres towards sub-
urbs and urban peripheries the concentration of high social classes (highly edu-
cated qualified workers) is hierarchically decreasing by zones with an increasing
rate of low social classes (low educated, unskilled workers). (See Figures 3–4).
From the spatial distribution of urban population by educational level and pro-
fession we can conclude that the social structure of advanced urban peripheries is
stopping the downward line of social status on the above-illustrated ecological
and social slope, turning it upward in the shape of a wave. The downward trend of
social status level seems to be halted. In the period of transition new social values
were attached to urban peripheries. The contemporary socio-spatial processes,
suburbanization, the changing economic and social roles and functional relations
of urban peripheries divided the social status of urban peripheries into high and
low ranked socio-spatial units. Zones and villages of high and low social rank
quickly emerged in urban peripheries as well.
All these trends are verifying the existence of the traditional core-periphery
model in Hungarian urban spaces. In cities and their central areas the presence of
high classes is dominant while in suburban zones and urban peripheries generally
low classes are in majority. Going outward from core areas towards the periphery
the social structure shows a hierarchical structure. Going down the ecological-
spatial slope indicating the economic, infrastructural and institutional supply level
of the different geographical units of urban spaces we can see a gradually de-
creasing presence of high social classes and a gradually increasing presence of
low social classes.
On the basis of the evaluation of research data we can also declare that in
Hungarian urban spaces the traditional core-periphery model cannot be identified
in its original form any more: the social structure of advanced urban peripheries is
firmly breaking up the monotony of the downward line of the ecological-spatial
slope of social hierarchy between the ‘two endpoints’: the core and the periphery.
As a consequence of transition and globalisation the social structure of Hun-
garian metropolitan spaces with the social content of the core-periphery model
have significantly changed. The social processes of the past years through the
differentiated – partly high, partly low social contents of the core-periphery model
created a two level socio-spatial hierarchy. The first type of socio-spatial hierar-
chy contains a high-ranked core and a low ranked periphery model. The second
type of socio-spatial hierarchy shows a formation of low-ranked core and a high-
ranked periphery model. Both hierarchies are simultaneously present in urban
spaces.
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Discussion Papers, No. 58.
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The double face of the core-periphery model is reflected by the strong contra-
dictions between the accumulation of social problems in city centres and the char-
acteristic features of the society of city centres. As we have seen it in our earlier
analysis urban social problems have rather more urban character or to be more
precise they are more characteristic for the inner areas of cities and suburban ar-
eas are usually less affected by these problems. Moving outward from city centres
the seriousness of these problems is gradually and hierarchically decreasing. The
social structure of urban space is organised in an opposite way. Core areas are
much more concentrating high social classes while low classes are rather located
in urban peripheries. This is true even if another trend is attaching a new social
content to the core area and peripheries.
There may be several reasons why higher social classes attach lower impor-
tance to social problems and feel social conflicts less intensive: the similar social
structure of their neighbourhood and their life in central urban quarters looks back
to a long history. Our data indicate that they are bound to inner city quarters by
their work as well. Elite social groups are also more actively participating in ur-
ban development projects. During the change of regime they significantly pro-
moted the development projects of city centres fitting into the global trends
(Szirmai–Baráth, 2005).9 Low social classes attach higher importance to social
tensions and consider social conflicts more intense because they in the social mi-
lieu of city centres they have no dominance and never they have had ever in his-
tory. They can benefit less from the advantages of city centre development and in
the majority of cases they are ignored in urban development decisions.
High classes living in urban peripheries may have similar reasons with oppo-
site content for feeling social problems more serious and perceiving social con-
flicts on a higher intensity. As the social structure of urban peripheries is less
segregated (or at least they think so) they have no dominance here or only over
partial territories. Here in this milieu they are immigrants only and not the natives.
The development of suburbs does not follow the pattern they have set up as a
target. The infrastructural development of suburbs is left behind the development
of city centres. (High social classes living here are dissatisfied with such local
factors they can easily access in city centres but not typical features of a suburb
such as cultural and active recreational facilities or the physical conditions of
roads and pavements. At the same time they are satisfied with the low noise and
clean air of suburbs. This is why they came here.) The lower classes' underesti-
mation of social problems and conflicts may be explained by the fact that in his-
toric perspective they are the dominant power and they are the natives here.
9 The results of the empirical research indicate that people living in city centres with high educa-
tional level believe more and people with low educational level believe less than the average that
during the past ten years their personal and the local residents' requests were taken into account in
local governmental decisions
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Future trends will probably depend on what will happen in city centres and ur-
ban peripheries how their infrastructure and economy will develop and how their
social structure will be shaped. What can be expected of the relationship of differ-
ent social groups? How will they tolerate each other? Will segregation increase,
will the processes of spatial segregation intensify or will they weaken instead?
Which social groups will dominate in city centres and which ones in suburbs?
What further spatial processes can be expected?
Naturally we can outline several scenarios but in my opinion the dominance of
the double-structured core-periphery model is the most realistic alternative. In this
future model the social value of the core area will further increase especially in
that case if the outmigration of high classes from city centres is slowing down and
their return to city centres is speeding up. This may turn into reality in case of an
increasing volume of regeneration processes in city centres at an increasing inten-
sity of gentrification in inner city quarters and in case of a stagnating or only
moderate development of urban peripheries. The increasing social value of city
centres may lower the social prestige of certain urban peripheries. On the other
hand the social reputation of some other suburban districts may increase and the
intention of high social classes and (as our research results indicate) principally of
middle classes to leave and move out from city centres may increase the number
of advanced urban outskirts and suburban settlements. This process needs a more
dynamic development of urban peripheries than now. The still separated rehabili-
tation of the different parts of central urban districts may favoure for the outmi-
gration of middle classes. The future of the double model is fundamentally de-
termined by the perspectives of the social structure, by the tendencies of socio-
spatial inequalities and by the spatial mobility strategies resulting from the future
positions of the major social job clusters.
8 Summary
The results of the representative sociological research of Hungarian cities and
their centres are showing a Hungarian way in the general development tendencies
of the European and East Central-European city centres. The processes of transi-
tion, the impacts of European and global economic integration have adjusted the
characteristic features of Hungarian big city centres to the inner space character of
European big cities.
According to the results of research the central areas of Hungarian big cities –
following the major features of West European big cities – are concentrating high
social classes: people with high educational level and high professional qualifica-
tions and with high incomes. The marketable, younger and more active demo-
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Discussion Papers, No. 58.
graphic groups also prefer settling down in the internal zones of urban space10.
The presence of low social classes is higher in suburbs and in backwarded urban
peripheries. However handicapped social classes are present in city centres as
well and the members of high social classes have also emerged in urban periph-
eries.
The controversial situation of European and East Central European city centres
can be well illustrated by the fact that Hungarian big city centres are concentrat-
ing not only high social classes and advanced economy (with high-tech infra-
structure and sophisticated institutional system and services) but the majority of
physical and social problems as well. The central zones of Hungarian big cities
are facing much more social problems than their suburbs and peripheries. The
further we are moving away from city centres the lower severity of social prob-
lems we meet. Different social groups in accordance with their social positions
and interests have different views on their local social problems in central urban
quarters low social classes in peripheral zones higher classes have greater sensi-
tivity for social issues.
Following West European trends suburbanisation is a characteristic feature of
Hungarian big cities as well although it is taking place with some delay. Subur-
banisation in Hungary started in the 1980s and speeded up during the change of
regime. Hungarian suburbanisation can be characterized by the territorial re-
structuring of high social classes within the boundaries of cities and by their grad-
ual relocation into outer urban quarters and suburbs. These classes select elegant
suburbs first and later advanced urban peripheries as well. The crisis of inner city
quarters and their missing rehabilitation also contributed to the outmigration of
high social classes to urban peripheries. The differentiated development of city
centres and the simultaneous processes of city modernisation and degradation into
slum had also some role in the accelerating immigration of poor classes into city
centres. The influx of the poorest classes was uninterrupted until year 2000. After
2000 it significantly fell off. However the immigration of middle classes is still
continuous.
The majority of city centre inhabitants are satisfied with their residential envi-
ronment they have no intention (or possibilities) to move out. The majority of city
centre inhabitants wishing to move are still intending to remain within the urban
space and a minority is thinking of just changing their flat for a better in the city
centre. Thus, the results of research are not encouraging us to expect a signifi-
cantly accelerated suburbanisation process. Today’s urban migration data are
anticipating an increasing mobility of middle classes. Presumably it is they are
who have not found yet their right living environment.
10 In this paper we did not have an opportunity for presenting the demographic structure of cities.
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Today’s social processes and historical determinations the transition, the Euro-
pean and global integration have resulted in such a double socio-spatial structured
core-periphery model which can simultaneously be characterized by socially high
ranked core and low ranked periphery on the one hand and by socially low ranked
core and high ranked periphery on the other hand.
29
Szirmai, Viktória : The Social Characteristics of Hungarian Historic City Centres.
Szirmai,
Pécs : Centre for Regional
Viktória : The Social
Studies, 2007. 35. p.
Characteristics of Hungarian Historic City Centres.
Pécs :
Discussion
Centre for
Papers, No. 58.
Regional Studies, 2007. 35. p.
Discussion Papers, No. 58.
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31
Szirmai, Viktória : The Social Characteristics of Hungarian Historic City Centres.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2007. 35. p.
Discussion Papers, No. 58.
Annex
Table 1
The distribution of the Hungarian big city sample area by age categories within
the different urban zones, %
Central urban Transitional
Suburban
Village zone
Total
zone
zone
zone
in urban
periphery
18 – 29
21.3
16.2
15.2
17.7
17.3
30 – 39
16.5
17.0
21.3
19.8
18.3
40 – 49
14.4
14.5
17.2
14.6
15.3
50 – 59
17.1
21.2
18.7
20.9
19.3
60 and older
30.8
31.1
27.6
27.0
29.8
Table 2
The distribution of the Hungarian big city sample area by household size
categories within the different urban zones, %
Central urban Transitional
Suburban
Village zone
Total
zone
zone
zone
in urban
periphery
Single
26.7
25.6
22.1
11.8
24.0
2 members
39.7
30.8
31.5
31.6
33.8
3 members
18.4
22.5
18.1
20.2
19.9
4 members
10.7
14.8
16.2
23.2
14.4
5 or more members
4.5
6.3
12.1
13.3
7.9
Table 3
The distribution of the Hungarian big city sample area by educational level
categories within the different urban zones, %
Central urban Transitional
Suburban
Village zone
Total
zone
zone
zone
in urban
periphery
Maximum primary school
18.0
27.4
38.2
42.4
28.8
Vocational School
14.3
19.3
21.2
28.0
18.9
Grammar school,
39.0
34.1
31.5
22.8
34.1
engineering school
University or college
28.7
19.2
9.1
6.8
18.2
degree
32
Szirmai, Viktória : The Social Characteristics of Hungarian Historic City Centres.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2007. 35. p.
Discussion Papers, No. 58.
Table 4
The distribution of the Hungarian big city sample area by job position categories
within the different urban zones, %
Central urban Transitional
Suburban
Village zone
Total
zone
zone
zone
in urban
periphery
Private entrepreneur
9.2
7.9
5.8
7.0
7.6
Employed top-positioned
8.5
7.8
4.1
6.5
6.8
Brain worker
41.8
32.1
21.0
15.2
30.5
Manual worker
40.5
52.2
69.1
71.3
55.1
Table 5
The distribution of the Hungarian big city sample area by monthly personal
income categories within the different urban zones, %
Central urban Transitional
Suburban
Village zone
Total
zone
zone
zone
in urban
periphery
No income
7.5
6.6
8.7
6.0
7.5
Below 50 thousand HUF
14.7
19.0
34.0
38.9
23.6
50 – 75 thousand HUF
31.6
33.0
28.5
31.1
31.0
75 – 100 thousand HUF
22.6
25.5
19.6
15.2
22.3
Above 100 thousand HUF
23.6
15.9
9.2
8.8
15.6
33
Szirmai, Viktória : The Social Characteristics of Hungarian Historic City Centres.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2007. 35. p.
Discussion Papers, No. 58.
Table 6
The distribution of the acuteness of local problems by urban zones
(average values on a 5 degree evaluation scale)
Central Transitional Suburban Advanced Underdevel
Total
urban
zone
zone
urban
oped urban
zone
periphery periphery
Increasing poverty
3.49
3.53
3.62
3.19
3.64
3.54
Homelessness
3.59
3.32
2.69
1.59
2.19
3.17
Illegal waste deposits,
the absence of selective
3.42
3.10
2.88
2.89
3.04
3.11
waste collection
Alcoholism
3.23
3.20
2.86
2.11
2.83
3.06
Burglary, robbery
3.24
3.15
2.91
2.19
2.44
3.06
Taking drugs
3.18
3.06
2.38
1.90
2.00
2.86
Economic crimes
3.13
2.73
2.31
1.46
2.06
2.68
National and ethnic
2.81
2.65
2.68
1.56
2.14
2.66
conflicts
Family violence
2.81
2.69
2.48
1.61
2.09
2.62
Organic delinquency
2.98
2.75
2.20
1.32
1.80
2.61
Violence, killing
2.71
2.63
2.30
1.49
1.73
2.50
Prostitution
2.82
2.44
2.21
1.31
1.52
2.45
Residential segregation of
2.71
2.50
2.23
1.62
1.77
2.43
poor and rich classes
The coexistence of rich and
2.42
2.32
2.16
1.52
1.49
2.25
poor classes
34
Szirmai, Viktória : The Social Characteristics of Hungarian Historic City Centres.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2007. 35. p.
Discussion Papers, No. 58.
Table 7
The distribution of the severity of local conflicts by urban zones
(average values on a 5 degree evaluation scale)
Central urban Transitional
Suburban Village zone
Total
zone
zone
zone
in urban
periphery
Between low schooled people
2.01
2.20
1.95
1.79
2.04
and professionals
Between the residents of
Budapest and of provincial
2.11
2.17
1.79
1.92
2.03
areas
Between urban residents and
the residents of urban
1.68
1.80
1.52
1.62
1.67
peripheries
Between active wage earners
2.15
2.18
1.97
1.74
2.09
and the unemployed
Between people with and
1.75
1.73
1.49
1.40
1.64
without children
Between the old and the
2.28
2.18
2.15
1.75
2.18
young generation
Between rich and poor classes
2.70
2.66
2.27
2.24
2.53
Between wage earners and
1.92
1.99
1.70
1,52
1.86
pensioners
Between Hungarians and other
2.30
2.45
2.45
1.92
2.39
nationalities
Between new immigrants and
2.02
2.16
1.76
1.55
1.97
the natives
35
Discussion Papers 2007. No. 58.
The Social Characteristics of Hungarian Historic City Centres
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Discussion Papers 2007. No. 58.
The Social Characteristics of Hungarian Historic City Centres
Papers published in the Discussion Papers series
Discussion Papers /Specials
BENKİNÉ LODNER, Dorottya (ed.) (1988): Environmental Control and Policy: Proceedings of
the Hungarian–Polish Seminar in the Theoretical Problems of Environmental Control
and Policy
OROSZ, Éva (ed.) (1988): Spatial Organisation and Regional Development Papers of the 6th Polish–
Hungarian geographical Seminar
DURÓ, Annamária (ed.) (1993): Spatial Research and the Social–Political Changes: Papers of the
7th Polish–Hungarian Seminar
DURÓ, Annamária (ed.) (1999): Spatial Research in Support of the European Integration.
Proceedings of the 11th Polish–Hungarian Geographical Seminar (Mátraháza, Hungary
17–22 September, 1998)
GÁL, Zoltán (ed.) (2001): Role of the Regions in the Enlarging European Union
HORVÁTH, Gyula (ed.) (2002): Regional Challenges of the Transition in Bulgaria and Hungary
KOVÁCS, András Donát (ed.) (2004): New Aspects of Regional Transformation and the Urban-
Rural Relationship
BARANYI, Béla (ed.) (2005): Hungarian–Romanian and Hungarian–Ukrainian border regions as
areas of co-operation along the external borders of Europe
Discussion Papers
No. 1
OROSZ, Éva (1986): Critical Issues in the Development of Hungarian Public Health with
Special Regard to Spatial Differences
No. 2
ENYEDI, György – ZENTAI, Viola (1986): Environmental Policy in Hungary
No. 3
HAJDÚ, Zoltán (1987): Administrative Division and Administrative Geography in
Hungary
No. 4
SIKOS T., Tamás (1987): Investigations of Social Infrastructure in Rural Settlements of
Borsod County
No. 5
HORVÁTH, Gyula (1987): Development of the Regional Management of the Economy in
East-Central Europe
No. 6
PÁLNÉ KOVÁCS, Ilona (1988): Chance of Local Independence in Hungary
No. 7
FARAGÓ, László – HRUBI, László (1988): Development Possibilities of Backward
Areas in Hungary
No. 8
SZÖRÉNYINÉ KUKORELLI, Irén (1990): Role of the Accessibility in Development and
Functioning of Settlements
No. 9
ENYEDI, György (1990): New Basis for Regional and Urban Policies in East-Central
Europe
No. 10
RECHNITZER, János (1990): Regional Spread of Computer Technology in Hungary
No. 11
SIKOS T., Tamás (1992): Types of Social Infrastructure in Hungary (to be not published)
No. 12
HORVÁTH, Gyula – HRUBI, László (1992): Restructuring and Regional Policy in
Hungary
No. 13
ERDİSI, Ferenc (1992): Transportation Effects on Spatial Structure of Hungary
37
Discussion Papers 2007. No. 58.
The Social Characteristics of Hungarian Historic City Centres
No. 14
PÁLNÉ KOVÁCS, Ilona (1992): The Basic Political and Structural Problems in the
Workings of Local Governments in Hungary
No. 15
PFEIL, Edit (1992): Local Governments and System Change. The Case of a Regional
Centre
No. 16
HORVÁTH, Gyula (1992): Culture and Urban Development (The Case of Pécs)
No. 17
HAJDÚ, Zoltán (1993): Settlement Network Development Policy in Hungary in the
Period of State Socialism (1949–1985)
No. 18
KOVÁCS, Teréz (1993): Borderland Situation as It Is Seen by a Sociologist
No. 19
HRUBI, L. – KRAFTNÉ SOMOGYI, Gabriella (eds.) (1994): Small and medium-sized
firms and the role of private industry in Hungary
No. 20
BENKİNÉ Lodner, Dorottya (1995): The Legal-Administrative Questions of
Environmental Protection in the Republic of Hungary
No. 21 ENYEDI, György (1998): Transformation in Central European Postsocialist Cities
No. 22 HAJDÚ, Zoltán (1998): Changes in the Politico-Geographical Position of Hungary in the
20th Century
No. 23
HORVÁTH, Gyula (1998): Regional and Cohesion Policy in Hungary
No. 24
BUDAY-SÁNTHA, Attila (1998): Sustainable Agricultural Development in the Region
of the Lake Balaton
No. 25
LADOS, Mihály (1998): Future Perspective for Local Government Finance in Hungary
No. 26
NAGY, Erika (1999): Fall and Revival of City Centre Retailing: Planning an Urban
Function in Leicester, Britain
No. 27
BELUSZKY, Pál (1999): The Hungarian Urban Network at the End of the Second
Millennium
No. 28
RÁCZ, Lajos (1999): Climate History of Hungary Since the 16th Century: Past, Present
and Future
No. 29
RAVE, Simone (1999): Regional Development in Hungary and Its Preparation for the
Structural Funds
No. 30
BARTA, Györgyi (1999): Industrial Restructuring in the Budapest Agglomeration
No. 31
BARANYI, Béla–BALCSÓK, István–DANCS, László–MEZİ, Barna (1999):
Borderland Situation and Peripherality in the North-Eastern Part of the Great Hungarian
Plain
No. 32
RECHNITZER, János (2000): The Features of the Transition of Hungary’s Regional
System
No. 33
MURÁNYI, István–PÉTER, Judit–SZARVÁK, Tibor–SZOBOSZLAI, Zsolt (2000):
Civil Organisations and Regional Identity in the South Hungarian Great Plain
No. 34
KOVÁCS, Teréz (2001): Rural Development in Hungary
No. 35
PÁLNÉ, Kovács Ilona (2001): Regional Development and Governance in Hungary
No. 36
NAGY, Imre (2001): Cross-Border Co-operation in the Border Region of the Southern
Great Plain of Hungary
No. 37
BELUSZKY, Pál (2002): The Spatial Differences of Modernisation in Hungary at the
Beginning of the 20th Century
No. 38
BARANYI, Béla (2002): Before Schengen – Ready for Schengen. Euroregional
Organisations and New Interregional Formations at the Eastern Borders of Hungary
No. 39
KERESZTÉLY, Krisztina (2002): The Role of the State in the Urban Development of
Budapest
38
Discussion Papers 2007. No. 58.
The Social Characteristics of Hungarian Historic City Centres
No. 40
HORVÁTH, Gyula (2002): Report on the Research Results of the Centre for Regional
Studies of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences
No. 41
SZIRMAI, Viktoria – A. GERGELY, András – BARÁTH, Gabriella–MOLNÁR, Balázs
– SZÉPVÖLGYI, Ákos (2003): The City and its Environment: Competition and/or Co-
operation? (A Hungarian Case Study)
No. 42
CSATÁRI, Bálint–KANALAS, Imre–NAGY, Gábor –SZARVÁK, Tibor (2004): Regions
in Information Society – a Hungarian Case-Study
No. 43
FARAGÓ, László (2004): The General Theory of Public (Spatial) Planning (The Social
Technique for Creating the Future)
No. 44
HAJDÚ, Zoltán (2004): Carpathian Basin and the Development of the Hungarian
Landscape Theory Until 1948
No. 45
GÁL, Zoltán (2004): Spatial Development and the Expanding European Integration of the
Hungarian Banking System
No. 46
BELUSZKY, Pál – GYİRI, Róbert (2005): The Hungarian Urban Network in the
Beginning of the 20th Century
No. 47
G. FEKETE, Éva (2005): Long-term Unemployment and Its Alleviation in Rural Areas
No. 48
SOMLYÓDYNÉ PFEIL, Edit (2006): Changes in The Organisational Framework of
Cooperation Within Urban Areas in Hungary
No. 49
MEZEI, István (2006): Chances of Hungarian–Slovak Cross-Border Relations
No. 50
RECHNITZER, János – SMAHÓ, Melinda (2006): Regional Characteristics of Human
Resources in Hungary During the Transition
No. 51
BARTA, Györgyi – BELUSZKY, Pál – CZIRFUSZ, Márton – GYİRI, Róbert –
KUKELY, György (2006): Rehabilitating the Brownfield Zones of Budapest
No. 52
GROSZ, András (2006): Clusterisation Processes in the Hungarian Automotive Industry
No. 53
FEKETE, G. Éva – HARGITAI, Judit – JÁSZ, Krisztina – SZARVÁK, Tibor –
SZOBOSZLAI, Zsolt (2006): Idealistic Vision or Reality? Life-long learning among
Romany ethnic groups
No. 54
BARTA, Györgyi (ed.) (2006): Hungary – the New Border of the European Union
No. 55
GÁL, Zoltán (2006): Banking Functions of the Hungarian Urban Network in the Early
20th Century.
No. 56
SZÖRÉNYINÉ, Kukorelli Irén (2006): Relation Analysis in Rural Space – A Research
Method for Exploring the Spatial Structure in Hungary
No. 57
MAUREL, Marie-Claude – PÓLA, Péter (2007): Local System and Spatial Change – The
Case of Bóly in South Transdanubia
No.58
SZIRMAI, Viktória (2007):
39