Discussion Papers 1993. No. 18. 
Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist
CENTRE FOR REGIONAL STUDIES 
OF HUNGARIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES 
 
 
 
DISCUSSION PAPERS 
 
No. 18 
Borderland situation 
As It is Seen by a Sociologist 
by 
KOVÁCS, Teréz 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Series editor 
HRUBI, László 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Pécs 
1993 
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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
INTRODUCTION 
The definition of border has two opposite implications. One is that a bor-
der runs between two areas and in this way it has a separating function. 
On the other hand, those different areas that are situated along the same 
country border may form a homogeneous region or different areas with 
the same features may be linked. The first function of border dominates 
in war-time, while the other one in peace. Furthermore, borders fulfil 
their function on three different levels: 
– local, 
– regional, 
– national. 
There are different interactions among these different territorial u-
nits. In war-time inter-state relations are dominating. In peace economic 
and cultural relations are in the focus of public interest and microregional 
relations become important. In war-time inter-state military interactions 
are dominating above all. Naturally, the problem of borders becomes a 
key issue during wars and regional conflicts, e.g. peace treaties. 
I would like to present the problems of the Hungarian borders from 
1
sociological aspects.  The sociological aspects of borderland situation 
become more and more important because during the last 40 years of 
peace the Hungarian border has had the same functions that a border has 
during war: it was separating and confronting different nations. What are 
the reasons? This paper is going to give an answer for this problem. 
First, I would like to stress on the point that the essence of Hunga-
rian borderland situation lies in the historical and macro-economic ele-
ments of its origin. 
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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE HUNGARIAN 
BORDERS 
The present Hungarian borders have a 70 years old history. During this 
short historical period various stages may be determined. At first the ori-
gins of the present Hungarian borders should be mentioned.  
Before the present Hungarian borders having been formed in 1920, 
Hungary had different borders. The history of country borders is the his-
tory of the country itself. Although, there is no need for a sociologist to 
study the history of his home country the subject itself needs some histo-
rical background. 
In 1867 the Habsburg Empire, that consisted of Hungary, Austria 
and other nations, was functioning in a dualistic form and since then the 
Empire consisted of two – independent – parliamentary states, i.e., Aus-
tria and Hungary. Apart from the common emperor these two states were 
linked through their foreign affairs, national defence, finance and the cus-
toms union, which was reinforced in every 10 years. In the following 
year there was a similar agreement between Hungary and Croatia. Cro-
atia-Slavonia became an associated member of the Austro-Hungarian 
Monarchy and was given some autonomy. This means home affairs were 
guided by an independent territorial government headed by the Governor 
of Croatia in Zagreb while 29 representatives were delegated to the Hun-
garian Parliament for participation and the management of common af-
fairs. There was a Croatian minister among the members of the Hunga-
rian government. 
Thus, from the point of administration Hungary was divided into 
two parts:  
– Hungary in its original size had a population of 18,264,533 on the 
area of 282,870 km² (these figures refer to the 1910 census, be-
ing the last on the original territory of Hungary), 
– Croatia-Slavonia with a population of 621,954 on the area of 
42,541 km². 
In 1910 Hungary had a territory of 325,411 km² with a population 
of 20,886,487. This was Ancient Hungary the sixth in population and the 
seventh in territory among the countries of Europe. After 1920 Hungary 
fell back to the fifteenth rank in population and to the eleventh in territo-
ry. 
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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
For a few years before and after the Trianon Peace Treaty the terri-
tory of Hungary was constantly changing. Some areas belonged to one 
and then to another country (for example, Sopron town and its eight sur-
rounding villages were rejoined to Hungary at the 1921 referendum; until 
then they belonged to Austria). In 1920 Hungary had a population of 
7,990,202 on the area of 93,073 km². Although, on world scale Hungary 
was a small country but it was not reflected by the Hungarian’s opinion 
of their country. The first formation was taught in schools as „Great 
Hungary” while the other as „Dismembered Hungary”. After the First 
World War the Trianon Peace Treaty has completely restructured the 
country’s territorial, population, economic, transport, settlement and o-
ther structure. The whole country has completely changed because it has 
lost two-thirds of its former territory and one-third of its Hungarian po-
pulation. From the former territory of Hungary 106,000 km² and 
1,658,000 of the Hungarian population was joined to Rumania, 63,000 
km² and 568,000 Hungarians were joined to Yugoslavia, 62,000 km² and 
1,066,000 Hungarians to Czechoslovakia (or better to say Slovakia) 
while 4,000 km² and 20,000 Hungarians to Austria (Figure 1). I would 
like to emphasise that these figures are based on the 1910 census data. 
The census taken after the First World War in Hungary’s neigh-
bours indicates 20–25 per cent less Hungarians. This difference may 
have various reasons, for example, after the definition of new border in-
telligence, clerks and middle-class families left their homes in a great 
number and moved to Hungary, which resulted in a decrease of the Hun-
garian population in these new countries. On the other hand, it is also 
possible that Hungary’s neighbours were interested in indicating less 
Hungarian population than it was in fact. At the same time they say that 
the 1910 census was for the favour of Hungarians but one thing is sure: 
during the Trianon Peace Treaty natural ethnic borders were completely 
disregarded at the definition of Hungary’s new borders. Thus the present 
borders of Hungary are not natural but artificial borders. 
The Hungarian and non-Hungarian population of the Carpathian 
Basin should have been separated so that ethnic points could have been 
disregarded only in case when ethnic fusion demanded it to do so. Howe-
ver, in Slovakia, Rumania and Serbia areas with homogeneous Hungari-
an population were joined to the other side of the Hungarian border. A 
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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
smaller part of border was an ethnic border but the greater part was serv-
ing only for the separation of Hungarians from each other. 
Apart from the 10 million Hungarians who were living in Hungary 
there are still 3 million Hungarians who are living on the other side of 
border even after 70 years after Trianon. Thus, the state border of Hunga-
ry is still separating natural ethnic regions and sometimes this is mani-
fested in open or hidden conflict situations.  
The Hungarian system of production and labour division failed 
after 1920. The customs union within the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy 
ceased and the most important sites of natural resources remained on the 
other side of border while a more proportionate rate of agricultural terri-
tories remained in the new territory of Hungary. These losses were coupl-
ed by the damages and expenses of war. Thus, the economic situation 
including living conditions decrease for several years. 
Between the two world wars it was the question, why the new bor-
ders of Hungary were defined in their present form with motivations, 
which was the central issue of public press and opinion in the years of 
1919–1920. 
After the Second World War the government tried to clear this 
problem from public opinion and all the scientific researches on this 
problem were banned. As the historical background of the definition of 
the Hungarian border in the past was the subject of different scientific re-
searches, in the 1980s this problem aroused a great attention. There are 
three publications that are worth mentioning such as Ormos, M. (1983), 
Raffai, E. (1989) and Palotás, Z. (1990). 
The opinion of Palotás Z. seems true for me, stating that the main 
motives of border definition were connected with the structure of the 
Hungarian railway system. It had mainly a radial system starting from 
Budapest capital but there were some connections between the main 
routes in some distance from Budapest. The author points out that there 
is a circular system along the other side of the Hungarian border follow-
ing the eastern area of Luzenec in Slovakia, Oradea in Rumania and the 
northern part of Vojvodina in Yugoslavia. These three surrounding countries 
formed a military alliance of Little Entente. They were striving for form-
ing a system that was used for eliminating the need of transporting goods 
to each other through Hungary. Thus, being a sovereign system it served 
as a potential background for different military actions against Hungary. 
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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
After 1920 Hungary had to build some direct connections between the 
radial lines to fulfil the needs of railway transport. 
The loss of the only seaport (Rijeka) was also very disadvantageous 
for the Hungarian transport system. 
Having a closer look at the changes in public administration I would 
like to point out that during the definition of new borders the aspects of 
historical regions were disregarded. The new border was cutting districts, 
boroughs and villages into two and sometimes into three. Among the 63 
counties in 1910 there were only ten where the territory and population 
remained the same both in the past and the present. Thirteen countries 
lost their territories with their county seat. All the remaining (29) coun-
ties belong to another country. 
County seats in borderline areas have lost most of their previous 
contacts and their borderland situation created a handicapped regional 
position for them. Cities getting to the other side of border were great 
losses for the surrounding villages in the full length of border. Settle-
ments belonging to the gravity zone of the former county seats lost their 
administrative, market, cultural and educational centres, and it was very 
depressing for the inhabitants in a psychological sense as well. 
Although authorities were making efforts for creating new centres 
as a compensation for the backward situation of frontier regions, these 
new centres were smaller with less advanced infrastructure and they were 
missing that urban bourgeois style atmosphere that former county seats 
had. People coming to these new centres for official affairs did not like 
them. There was only a small amount of financial resources for their de-
velopment. Thus, in the next few years there were only a few towns that 
had real chances for development such as Mátészalka and Berettyóújfalu 
towns. 
The change of borders had rather negative consequences on small 
county seats. The development of Balassagyarmat, Sátoraljaújhely, Ko-
márom and Esztergom towns stopped, for the new border deprived them 
from their former gravity zones. On the other hand, the former admini-
strative bodies preserved their earlier functions and even their staff in-
creased with newcomers from the other side of border. These created 
new social tensions (shortages in flats, jobs, struggle for better positions) 
in frontier regions.  
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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
The new border deprived Hungary from nearly all of its regional 
centres such as Bratislava (the Hungarian name is Pozsony), Kosice (Kassa), 
Timisoara (Temesvár), Cluj-Napoca (Kolozsvár), Oradea (Arad) and Su-
botica  (Szabadka). They were cultural, commercial, administrative and 
market centres of historically interrelated regions. 
However, things had to go on. The new borders had to be consi-
dered as reality. „How to live with new borders?” – that was the main 
problem at that time. 
In the middle of the 1980s it could be seen from publications that in 
the years after Trianon borderland situation was very disadvantageous for 
all Hungarian border towns. We were interested if this was true in the 
case of rural settlements, too. We paid special attention for the role of 
borderland situation in the backwardness of rural settlements. Based on 
our results we can separate 3 types of border in the period starting from 
1920 and ending with our present period. These types are as follows: 
– easily traversable, less guarded borders, 
– hardly traversable, strongly guarded borders, 
– open borders. 
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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
EASILY TRAVERSABLE, LESS GUARDED BORDERS 
The first period started with the signature of Trianon Peace Treaty and 
ended with the beginning of the Second World War. In that time foreign 
policy was characterised by the bad relationship of Hungary with its 
neighbours (Slovakia, Rumania and Yugoslavia). The Hungarians’ demand 
for the revision of borders and the neighbours’ efforts for the preserva-
tion of the status quo were the dominating elements of foreign policy. 
1. Border cities as full and border villages as partial losers 
The word border itself had some negative implications then. By losing 
one-third of their country Hungarians living on the present territory of 
Hungary had a feeling of isolation and limited freedom. 
As it was mentioned in the previous chapter urban settlements lost 
some of their gravity zones and they had a smaller degree of their previ-
ous administrative, cultural, trading and economic functions, i.e., those 
very functions that give a town’s rank to a settlement. 
Villages were also the losers of this process, for they were sepa-
rated from their former centres. Thus, they had a lower level of indus-
trial, commercial services but at the same time local markets lost their 
good customers coming from cities. To solve this problem rural residents 
had to seek for new centres where they could sell their goods. For all that 
villages maintained some of their former contacts because the legal status 
of state borders was formal, i.e., they were easily traversable and less 
guarded. 
Some villages could make some benefit from the change of borders. 
Landowners who had some land on the other side of border (most border 
villages belonged to this category) had a possibility to cross the border 
for land cultivation. They were following the earlier old village paths that 
are called now as „green borders”. They were doing this because there 
were only a few legal border stations lying very far from villages. This 
phenomenon, i.e., if someone had a land on both sides of the border was 
named „double possession”. 
Residents could make some economic benefit from borderland situ-
ation. Many of them having the right of crossing the green border could 
make some use of their mobility and the differences between the price 
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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
system of the two neighbouring countries. This means they were buying 
goods for reasonable prices, and they could buy such goods that were not 
available in their home country. 
The possibilities of crossing the green border were different at that 
time. There were large differences within the same border, like on the 
Yugoslavian-Hungarian border. In cases when the border was separating 
Hungary from Croatia, Hungarians were free to visit Croatian weekly 
markets, while on the Serb-Hungarian border there were far more strict 
restrictions, for the border was separating Hungarians on both sides. 
It was the Austro-Hungarian border that was the most easily tra-
versable. Apart from crossings for visiting regular weekly markets, Hun-
garians were doing day-labouring in Austria, mainly in agricultural sec-
tor. They were using there more advanced technologies and tools and 
these were adopted by them in Hungary. On the other hand, Hungarians 
who were living in Burgenland were studying at the secondary schools of 
Sopron and Kõszeg towns. Jewish retail dealers who were living in Aus-
tria regularly visited villages on the border two or three-times a week to 
purchase fruits, such as red currant, raspberry, chestnut, cherry, eggs, etc. 
and to sell them at the markets of Vienna. 
It was the Rumanian border that was the most strictly guarded, for 
it was separating the largest areas with homogeneous Hungarian popula-
tion. It was impossible to maintain traditional relations between the two 
sides of border. In countries with homogeneous Hungarian population at 
both sides there was a much more fear of territorial reintegration than in 
those, where official borders coincided with natural ethnic borders. 
Smuggling was usual at every part of border. People were smuggl-
ing not only salt, this very scarce and indispensable item but they were 
bringing horses as well through Czechoslovakian and Yugoslavian bor-
ders. Thus, we can see that borders in this period were easily traversable 
and less guarded, so people could maintain their earlier contacts on both 
sides of the border. That’s why the old generation keeps a good memory 
of these years. Middle and young generations have no personal experi-
ences of this period. 
2. Borderland situation being advantageous for one and 
disadvantageous for the other village 
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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
Szentpéterfa is a village with Croatian population lying close to the Aus-
trian border. After the Trianon Peace Treaty it belonged to Austria but at 
the end of 1922 as a result of border revision Hungary got it back. 
Many of its residents went out to America between 1890–1910 for 
they could not get a job and live in Hungary. When this area belonged to 
Austria there was another period of mass emigration. After the First 
World War emigration was a usual phenomenon in that part of Austria 
where Szentpéterfa belonged, while it was impossible to emigrate to A-
merica from Hungary. After the return of Szentpéterfa to Hungary this e-
migration process stopped until 1956 when, compared to earlier periods, 
a larger emigration process started. (The second generation of emigrants 
was the descendants of the first generation, so they were only following 
their aunts and uncles who were living in America.) According to local 
researches there are as many families in America originating from Szent-
péterfa as live in Szentpéterfa itself. Every second American family hav-
ing gone there from Szentpéterfa has relatives whose mother or father or 
both were born in Szentpéterfa. 
These would not have happened if after the First World War this 
area had not belonged to Austria for a short time. Nevertheless, this situ-
ation has resulted in emigrations leaving their marks up to the present 
period. Today this village is richer than any of its surroundings because 
emigrants were giving important support to the community of their home 
settlement. Houses, equipment and the fact that every second family has 
a car and 70 per cent of car proprietors got their car as a present from their 
American relatives may prove this hypothesis. Although local residents 
are not aware of the fact, but according to the research team leader a much 
lower amount of support is expected to come to here in a short time. This 
is because most families born in Hungary have died, their brothers and 
sisters are about to retire while second or third cousins are forming a 
loose relationship with Hungarian families. Apart from material support A-
merican families in Szentpéterfa give an additional help by the purchase 
and reconstruction of their father’s or grandfather’s old houses. They spend 
their spare time or return here after retirement. Pensioners coming from A-
merica even with the smallest income are considered rich in Szentpéterfa. 
Most residents of Vállaj – another border village involved in our 
research – was German whose ancestors came here in the 18th century. 
There was a settlement group consisting of 24 German villages having a 
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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
strong interrelationship with its surroundings before the definition of the 
new border. After all it was Vállaj and another village that belonged to 
Hungary while the rest of the group joined to Rumania. After 1920 Vállaj 
lost of its relations with its natural parent region. 
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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
3. The first period of borderland situation 
Hungary was among the losers of the First World War and in 1920 the 
definition of the new border brought a significant reduction both in the 
territory and in the population of Hungary. These aroused a national feel-
ing of isolation and limited freedom. For those who were living on the 
border it was easier to cross it and the feelings mentioned here were less 
intensive in their case. In other words, the word border had generally a 
negative implication but those who were living close to the border did 
not experience it so intensively than others living inside.  
After 1939 there was a great migration process to Rumania. As 
Hungary got back North-Transylvania for a short time, there was a great-
er participation of migrants from border regions than from central ones. 
Those who came from inside spent some time at their relatives living on 
the border. After 1945 with the restore of border this process repeated but 
in the opposite direction and with a greater intensity at the Slovak-Hun-
garian border where the exchange of population was forced by the Slo-
vak government. These events brought a great shock for local residents. 
The older and middle generations had a general opinion saying borders 
are always temporary and it is impossible to do anything about changes. 
However, we are much more affected by the consequences. This 
brings a feeling of uncertainty and defencelessness. From this psycholo-
gical point life on the border was much more difficult than inside. 
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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
HARDLY TRAVERSABLE, STRONGLY GUARDED BORDERS 
The borders of Hungary were quite different after 1947 – the year of Paris 
Peace Treaty after the Second World War – than before. This is explained 
by Hungary’s position in world economy. 
Hungarian historians and politicians were making large efforts to de-
fine Hungary’s portrait of the last five-hundred years. Among them Bibó, 
I. (1986) and Szücs, J. (1983) should be mentioned. There is a strong corre-
lation between their and I. Wallerstein’s opinion (Wallerstein, I. (1974)). 
Wallerstein, a famous author for English readers says that modern civili-
sation was already been formed in the sixteenth century. It consisted of 
core regions (such as England, the Netherlands with their surroundings), 
semi-peripheral regions (countries of the Mediterranean Sea) and peri-
pheral regions including Hungary. These three regions are forming a so-
cial system with a homogeneous economic unit, while cultures and politi-
cal systems have preserved their heterogeneity and autonomy. 
Wallerstein said that this civilisation was balanced by different 
forces struggling against each other and this balance was maintained by 
the continuity of these struggling forces. The efforts to change this com-
mon civilisation for the members’ individual benefit were working a-
gainst this balance. There was some division of labour between core and 
peripheral regions as a smaller rate of the economic surplus was redistri-
buted to core regions than their proportionate size, otherwise the whole 
system would have collapsed. Thus, for a long time the exchange rate of 
goods was for peripheral regions. Periphery and core had quite different 
features which were manifested mainly in labour types (labour cultures). 
Activities within core and periphery needed a different practice. A group 
with strong economic position could survive only in peripheral regions. 
It is important that according to Wallerstein’s interpretation there 
were empires outside this common civilisation like Russia and the Otto-
man Empire. Empires were functioning on different basis than civilisa-
tions and this created a vacuum between them. An empire was a homoge-
neous political unit ruled by a centre. It was an autonomic economic sys-
tem and in this way isolated from the world. A modern civilisation – ac-
cording to Wallerstein’s interpretation – is joined to world economy but 
without any transition into an empire. (Here he refers to a non-English 
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Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
type empire because it’s a different organisation.) The borders of a world 
civilisation are always in move, i.e., they always change. 
Wallerstein’s definition of Hungary as a peripheral region was based 
on its position in the 16th century. He did not study Hungary’s economic 
situation after 1947 but if we apply his theory for this period, we can 
define it as a type of „modern empirism”. The word modern is used only 
for the separation of Wallerstein’s interpretation from the second half of 
the 20th century. Socialism, following the Soviet model, was a type of 
modern empirism because member countries were ruled by a centre and 
their national and cultural characteristics were disregarded. The features 
of modern empirism are very similar to the author’s description of Russia 
and of the Ottoman Empire as homogeneous political systems are ruled 
by a centre and isolated from the world. By world system we mean the 
developed world countries in the period of modern empirism. 
1. Bad times of living on the border 
The second period in the history of border started in 1947 and ended in 
1989, the year of the removal of the iron curtain on the Austro-Hunga-
rian border. 
Naturally there are great differences and there is a possibility to de-
fine some subperiods within the whole period but the main features such 
as disregarding national characteristics and the monopoly of political po-
wer were maintained during the whole period. Compared to the previous 
period, here the possibilities of crossing the border and of the mainte-
nance of earlier contacts were far more less. 
In 1947 double possession was abolished so if anybody had some 
land on the other side of border he was not allowed to cultivate it any 
more and his land was taken. Since then crossing the border was possible 
only through legal border stations that were strictly guarded. Sometimes 
people had to take long roundabouts to get into a neighbour settlement on 
the other side of border. Neighbour settlement contacts that sometimes 
looked back to hundreds of years were still partly maintained after 1920. 
During the Second World War (1939–1944) Hungary got back some 
of its earlier territories and as a result of this, earlier inter-settlement con-
tacts were reinforced. That’s why the introduction of rigid, strictly guarded 
and hardly traversable border was a great change for borderland popula-
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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
tion between 1947–1968. While so far borderland situation was only a 
psychological problem, the new features of the border had political and 
regional development implications as well. 
The intensity of the supervision of border depended on the political 
relations with our neighbours. During the 1950s the Austrian and Yugo-
slavian borders were the „most critical”. Neither Austria nor Yugoslavia 
belonged to the Warsaw Pact, while Hungary was its loyal member. The 
relationship with Yugoslavia worsened when it was disclosed from the 
organisation of Informburo, an alliance of communist parties in 1948, and 
Yugoslavia was declared as its major enemy. Stalin found a good partner 
in Rákosi because he was ready to introduce Yugoslavia to the world as the 
most hostile and traitorous nation being the source of „any kind of evil”. 
While between the two world wars, compared to the population of 
inside areas, borderland residents had a feeling of more freedom and less 
restriction, after 1947 nobody wanted to live on the border and everyone 
was happy to live as far from the border as he could. Borders were lined 
by mines and there was a barbed wire fence along the Austro-Hungarian 
border, named as the „iron curtain”. Frontier zones were defined and 
marked along both sides of border. That means, in Hungary certain docu-
ments were needed to enter these zones. Those who were living outside 
this zone and wanted to enter frontier zones, e.g., to visit their relatives, 
they had to apply for it. In this sense there was another border within 
Hungary. Visitors had to show their documents for control and they 
could not continue their way until the frontier bar was opened for them. 
Separate buildings were built for staff which after all served as an inner 
border station. 
This was the time of building labour camps in Hungary. At first on-
ly rich but later any people who were persona non grata for the political 
regime were taken to these places. They had to live and work in terrible 
conditions there. 
There was also a labour camp in Hortobágy, which had „residents” 
from the Yugoslavian and Austrian border. A documentary film was made 
about survivors by the Gulyás Brothers under the title „Violation of Law”. 
The film gives a dramatic picture on the high price of living on the border. 
Our research has proved that these families having been taken to 
Hortobágy were not allowed to return their homes even after the shut-
down of the camp. These tensions had negative consequences on regional 
19 

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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
development policy and investment sources. Although it was border 
towns that were mainly affected the limitation of private housebuildings 
had some consequences on border villages as well.  
Velem, a village on the Austrian border, one of the sites of our re-
search, had a well functioning village tourism, offering job opportunities 
for the people. After the Second World War this business could not be 
maintained, for „visitors” were not allowed to come to this place. Tou-
rism was banned here until the 1980s. 
Before the Austrian border it was the Yugoslavian border that was 
„liberated” (in the 1960s). When entering the Austrian frontier zone 
some loose and formal procedures were still in use until the 1980s. 
In the 1970s and rather in the 1980s it was the Soviet-Hungarian 
and the Romanian-Hungarian borders that became the most „critical”. 
Although there were no inner frontiers, mines, iron curtains, etc. , i.e., 
there were no fortifications and the neighbours were in the same military 
alliance with Hungary, these borders were rigid, strictly guarded and 
hardly traversable. 
Every third Hungarians have relatives or friends in Rumania. Ru-
mania had a falling tendency of living standards in the 1970s and 1980s. 
There were shortages in a lot of essential commodities. Hungarians were 
travelling to there in masses to help their relatives. These trips were very 
troublesome, for they had to wait 12 or sometimes 24 hours on the border 
and officers were very rude during strict customs controls. Traffic was slow 
through the Soviet border as well because of the large traffic of goods 
and the strict and illogical customs control procedures. 
Thus, we can conclude that the definition of the Hungarian border 
slowed the development of border towns. This process reached border 
villages after 1947 when the period of modern empirism came to Hunga-
ry. It was a special period from the point of the way villages were cut 
from their mother towns, for they belonged to another country. They had 
limited contacts with Hungarian settlements as well. 
2. The stratification of the local community of villages 
participated in research 
20 

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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
As it was mentioned our empirical research was carried out in ten border 
villages (Figure 2). Most of our questions indicated on a questionnaire was 
put for the definition of local community hierarchy. 
I have defined five groups within the income and property rank of 
families. During the stratification groups of families I have summed up their 
income and property indexes and based on the results I divided them into 
five categories. They are as follows (for 5.6% of families the grouping 
was impossible for the insufficient amount of data): 
– poor families (9.5%), 
– families with poor conditions (35.6%), 
– middle-class families (29.7%), 
– families with good conditions (15.3%), 
– rich families (4.3%). 
Poor families live below the minimum subsistence level, they work 
mainly in state farms or co-operatives and have no private farms. Old 
pensioners, single persons and gypsies belong to this category. Almost 
all poor families consist of the descendants of servants, day labourers and 
farm labourers.  
Families with poor conditions live on the Western European standards 
of minimum subsistence level or social subsistence level. They can fulfil 
their cultural, transport, etc. needs on a minimum level. They do not com-
pletely lag behind the social level that’s differentiates them from the pre-
vious group. Half of these families belong to the worst and half to the 
next income category. Most of their food is grown on their private farm. 
All family types belong here but the rate of old and childless families is 
the largest here. The majority is a descendant of small and dwarf holders 
or share croppers, tenants or day labourers. 
Middle-class families have an equal representation in industry and 
services. Although they have no more wage incomes than the members 
of the previous group, private stock-breeding brings a better situation for 
them. The majority is a three generation family where the oldest genera-
tion takes care of the animals. Among them there is a great variety of an-
2
cestors, ranging from beggars and farm labourers to landowners of 20 hold . 
The group of different craftsmen should be mentioned here who apart 
from their traditional profession were running agricultural farms as well. 
Thus, getting incomes from various sources was a tradition in these families. 
21 

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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
Families with good conditions had much more wage incomes than 
any of the previous groups. A new element here is the role of non-agricultu-
ral private economy. People belonging to this group do not run stock-
breeding farms in a larger scale than those in the previous group, it is 
plant cultivation they do in larger scale. Some of them work in industry 
but the majority is employed in agricultural and services sectors. Among 
their ancestors we can hardly find any servants or day labourers, most fa-
milies are the descendants of middle-class or rich peasants. 
By rich families term we mean the rural economic elite. They have 
much more properties and incomes than the others. We can find servants 
or small landowners among their ancestors only in extreme cases, for 
most of them are the descendants of rich peasants and intellectuals. 
The average social stratum index of families involved in our re-
search is 2.7. This means it is somewhere between the group of middle-
class families and families with poor conditions. 
Now I am going to introduce villages participated in research in a 
descending order of their social stratum index, and I am also going to ex-
plain the reasons of their positive or negative deviation from the average. 
Pusztamérges has the best social stratum index (3.3). This village is 
in a slightly better economic situation compared to the others in almost 
every aspect. In other words, it is in a complex advantageous situation. 
Here the number of the poor is half and the number of the rich is twice of 
the average. The majority of the sample group came from the surround-
ing scattered farms. That’s why the number of first generation families is 
more than the number of families of the earlier generation. 
Most parents of the people interviewed belong to the two extremi-
ties: the category of big landowners and poor families. Now the number 
of the most wealthy families here is three times more than the average. 
61.8% of family heads interviewed is employed in agricultural sector. 
This had a great impact on the decrease of workers in the other two sec-
tors but first of all in industry. This should have resulted in smaller in-
comes but it didn’t, for there is a greater representation of the fourth cate-
gory – the category of families with good conditions – among wage earners. 
Extra, non-agricultural incomes are below the average but it has a 
„stimulating effect” for poor families. What is really stimulating for them is 
private farming, including plant cultivation, gardening, wine growing, to-
bacco planting and greenhouse farming. 
22 

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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
Among the 89 families that were interviewed eight families belong-
ed to the best (the fifth) category in plant cultivation. This category con-
sists of farmers making large incomes from private farming. There were 
61 families who belonged to the previous (fourth) group.  
Apart from large-scale plant cultivation local residents may have a 
great advantage from the great number of young families. The represen-
tation of family types largely differs from the average. Here the number 
of small families including parents and children is relatively high while 
the number of multiple generation, childless and old families is relatively 
small. 
This young population is full of complaints about the missing local 
industry, the shortage of job opportunities, the poor condition of trans-
port and provisional service facilities and about the standstill of general 
local development. In fact, compared to the others, this village has a rela-
tively rich population. 
Our next village is Öttömös, in a short distance from Pusztamérges. 
The average social stratum index is 3.1. Only the rate of poor families 
corresponds to the average while the next two categories have a smaller 
and the top two categories have a greater representation than the average. 
The number of rich families is three times more than the average, it is 
even higher than it was in Pusztamérges. The rate of female immigrants 
(56.3%) and the first generation of native male residents (19.7%) is high. 
Thus, here the rate of multiple generation families is smaller than in Puszta-
mérges. Like in Pusztamérges immigrants came from the surrounding 
scattered farms and they built new houses here. 
The proportion of families who had big land properties in 1945 
with craftsmen without land property is large. The living conditions of 
local residents corresponds to the population of Pusztamérges. Here only 
4.2 per cent are employed in industry while the rate of agricultural wor-
kers (59.1%) almost the same with that of in Pusztamérges. The rate of 
people employed in services sector is also more than the average. Wage 
incomes are not better than the average but their distribution has resulted 
a greater representation of both extreme categories. 
Private stock breeding and plant cultivation are both important in 
Öttömös. 32.4 per cent of stock breeders belong to the fourth category 
while 12.7% to the fifth, i.e., the best group. In the field of plant cultiva-
tion 60 and 15.5 per cent of farmers belong to the top two categories. They 
23 

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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
grow and sell asparagus, potato, paprika and tomato. This community has 
a similar model to that of in Pusztamérges; there are only some multiple 
generation and childless families here. Local residents are more satisfied 
with their home settlement that can be explained by the smaller size of 
the settlement and the greater cooperation of local residents. 
The next in social stratum rank is Velem. The average index here is 
3.1. It is the same as in Öttömös. There is a smaller representation of the two 
lowest and even of the middle categories while the top two have a greater 
representation than the average. The number of immigrants is higher here 
than the average. This is especially true for female immigrants. 
The majority had large land properties in 1945. According to the 
families’ property situation there is a smaller representation of the last two 
categories, while the representation of middle and the top two categories 
is greater than the average. More than half of the people who were 
interviewed is employed in services sector that resulted in a downfall in 
the workers’ rate in the other two sectors, especially in industry. 
It is the incomes of second economy that bring success for local re-
sidents. Half of the local population has a possibility of getting extra in-
comes while one quarter makes money from private accommodation. The 
number of people who do not deal with private agricultural farming, both 
in plant cultivation and stock breeding is twice of the average. At the 
same time there is an extremely great – more than double – representa-
tion in the top two categories of agricultural farmers. (They grow and sell 
red currant, raspberry and chestnut.) The remaining three categories’ rate 
is smaller. This is a place of real extremities in private agricultural farm-
ing for it is done in specialised form or not done at all. Three generations 
live together in more than a quarter of families while the number of small 
and childless families is far more less than the average.  
Local residents are satisfied with their home settlement for it has a 
clean and fresh air and tourists return here every year. 
The average social stratum index is 2.9 in Szentpéterfa.  Here the 
rate of families in bad conditions is 10 per cent less while the number of 
families with good conditions is 10 per cent more than the average. The 
property index of families shows a greater representation in the top two 
and middle categories while it is smaller in the bottom two categories 
than the average. 
24 

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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
Half of the people interviewed belonged to the category of small 
landowners having 6–14 hold of land in 1945. The rate of craftsmen hav-
ing some land property in 1945 was 10 per cent. This resulted in a reduc-
tion in the remaining categories. 
This is a small village of Croatian nationality. It has a very religi-
ous population. Ethnic identity and religion have a great cohesive power 
in local community. Parents of 82 per cent of male and 73 per cent of fe-
male population were also born here. The rate of male immigrants is half 
of and in case of female immigrants it is somewhere below the average. 
The representation of people who were interviewed by economic sectors 
corresponds to the average. In wage incomes it is only the representation 
of the lowest category that is below the average. 
Extra non-agricultural incomes are more than the average and this 
resulted in a reduction of the lowest category and in an increase in the 
number of families with good conditions. 
Private agricultural farming is below the average. This is not true in 
plant cultivation for 72 per cent of families belongs to the fourth category 
which produce some more goods than they consume. The representation 
of all the other categories is smaller than the average. They deal with 
greenhouse farming and grow cucumber and herbicides. Twenty-three 
per cent of families does not deal with stock breeding but the number of 
families of the middle categories, i.e., which produce meat only for their 
private needs is more than the average. In both areas the group of private 
agricultural contractors is missing. Like in Velem here the rate of three 
generation families is also high (25%). The representation of single per-
sons, childless and small families is smaller here. The number of female 
residents who do not work outside their homes is high. Local residents do 
like their home settlement very much than any other places. Their ethnic 
identity and religion bring together and separate them at the same time. 
The next village is Murakeresztúr  which according to its social 
stratum index takes a central position among villages involved in our re-
search. There is a smaller representation of the upper and lower catego-
ries and a greater representation of middle categories. 
In 1945 there were two social classes here. They were workers 
including peasants working in industry (their number is four times more 
than the average) and poor peasants.  
25 

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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
There was a shortage in big landowners here. Two-thirds of people 
interviewed was employed in services sector. The majority was em-
ployed at MÁV (the Hungarian Railway Company), only 17 per cent was 
making their living by agriculture. Wage incomes are a slightly above the 
average. Local residents draw some more incomes from non-agricultural 
second economy but some smaller incomes from private farming. One 
quarter does not deal with stock breeding and in both areas of agricultu-
ral farming the rate of agricultural contractors is very small while the rate 
of farmers with subsistence farming is very high. 
There is a smaller rate of single persons, childless families and 
small families here. The more than double rate of three generation fami-
lies than the average can be explained by the resident’s Croatian nationa-
lity. However, ethnic identity does not play such an important role here 
than in Szentpéterfa. It is because local residents were very poor here be-
fore the Second World War. Murakeresztúr had a very important deve-
lopment since then that is seen and expressed by its local residents. 
There is a smaller difference among social stratum indexes in vil-
lages below the average than in those having been mentioned so far. A-
mong them it is Vállaj that is in the most advantageous situation. The 
average social stratum index is 2.6 here. This village is not very poor for 
the representation of poor families is two-thirds of the average and the 
representation of rich families corresponds to the average. However, the 
representation of families with good conditions is half of the average. 
There are more families with bad conditions and middle-class families 
than the average because of their property conditions. 
Our research results give some evidence that Vállaj was a rich 
(Swabish) settlement in 1945. Here the number of families with private 
land of 24 hold and the number of craftsmen including those (mainly 
bricklayers) having some land was very high. Parents of 75 per cent of 
people interviewed were born also here. They are in good financial con-
ditions while the houses of emigrants or evacuated Swabish residents are 
inhabited by gypsies who do not take care of these houses having been new 
a few years ago. 
Fifty-three per cent of people interviewed are employed in agricul-
ture, 30 per cent in industry and only 19 per cent in services sector. Wage 
incomes are better than the average and the number of families belonging 
to the lowest income category is half of the average. 
26 

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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
Extra incomes of non-agricultural sector and private agricultural 
farming are above the average. In stock breeding and plant cultivation 
the representation of middle-class families and those in good conditions 
is above, while the representation of lower categories is below the ave-
rage. There are only a few contractors here. Among the total 103 families 
39 are childless and 17 are single persons. From this point they are far 
above the average. The number of small families is very small. Thus, 
these indicators show a strongly ageing population. The tragic memory 
of taking many of local people to Soviet labour camps after the Second 
World War is still living here. 
The next place is Nyírvasvári situated not far from Vállaj. The ave-
rage social stratum index here is 2.5. The representation of middle-class 
families is below while the representation of poor families is above the 
average. The rate of the top two categories is smaller than the average 
but the great number of the poor and gypsies has a domination. The pro-
perty index of families indicates the lack of middle class and bad condi-
tion categories. 
There were a lot of peasants and craftsmen without families and land 
property here. What is interesting here is that there were no workers here 
in 1945, while today it is a typical village of workers. Local residents do not 
work here, for the lack of industry. They work as daily or weekly com-
muters. Incomes are slightly below the average, for the large number of 
poor families and the lack of middle class and poor conditioned families.  
The rate of non-agricultural extra activities is below the average but 
private farming is more intensive here than the average. The rate of con-
tractors corresponds to the average in plant cultivation and stock breeding 
activities (this is especially true for cow farming) but the representation 
of farmers producing more than subsistence level is below the average. 
Almost one-third of families is childless. That’s far beyond the ave-
rage. The number of small and multiple generation families is slightly small-
er than the average. Local residents are not satisfied with their home set-
tlement. They think that the development of their home settlement is 
slow and they explain this by their being servants in the past.  
The next in the rank is Bódvaszilas with the social stratum index of 
2.4. The number of the poor is not more than elsewhere, the trouble is 
that there are no rich families here and the number of families with good 
conditions is less than half of the average. However, the representation of 
27 

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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
families with poor conditions and of middle class families is by ten per 
cent more than the average. The living conditions of about 66 per cent of 
families are below the average. In full sample the rate of this category is 
30.4 per cent. This category has a complete predominance over each 
category in Bódvaszilas. 
In 1945 there were more craftsmen with land property than small 
landowners. The representation of native residents, immigrants and those 
employed in services sector corresponds to the average. There is a 14 per 
cent rate of agricultural workers, and a 52 per cent rate of people inter-
viewed is employed in industry, especially in mines. Wage incomes are 
below the average with the predominance of the lowest category. The 
income index of agricultural second economy is below the average and 
the income index of private agricultural farming is the last among the ten 
villages having been participated in our research. 
There is a far greater representation (63%) of small families than 
the average while the representation of single persons and childless fami-
lies is small here. These facts indicate that most local residents belong to 
the young generation and this is the only positive factor in the settlement’s 
future development. Local residents feel some attraction towards the 
landscape but they feel that life is very difficult in their home settlement. 
Biharugra has an equal social stratum index with Bódvaszilas. All 
the three lower categories have greater while the top two ones have smaller 
representation of the average. The rate of immigrants and native residents 
corresponds to the average. Biharugra is in the most backward region of 
Hungary. Its population lives in very poor living conditions. Among the 
people interviewed 47 per cent belong to the lowest income category.  
The representation of the lowest category is above the average 
while the representation of all the other categories is below the average. 
In 1945 there were more peasants, small and middle landowners than the 
average. This place was exclusively an agricultural settlement, there were 
only few craftsmen and industrial workers and the number of servants 
was also smaller than the average. Now two-thirds are employed in agri-
culture, ten per cent in industry and the rate of family heads employed in 
services sector is also less than the average. 
In wage incomes the representation of the two extreme categories 
is greater while the representation of the other three categories is smaller 
than the average. The role of non-agricultural second economy is not sig-
28 

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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
nificant while it is in private farming. From this point it is the first among the 
ten villages having been participated in our research. However, it is not 
contractors but farmers who produce more than subsistence level, they 
form a majority here. For example, 80 per cent of farmers dealing with 
plant cultivation belongs to this category. In case of stock breeding a 
large variety of animals was kept in farms which was traditional after the 
war, such as a stock of 15 pigs, 100 chickens, 2 sows, 50 ducks, etc. but 
there is some tendency towards specialisation now like in a case of a 
farm with a stock of 300 rabbits, some pigs and poultry. 
The population here is older than in Vállaj. Here 44 per cent of fa-
milies are childless and 16 per cent are single persons. They are all old 
people. There is only one three generation family represented in sample 
and the representation of small families (31) is also below the average. 
It is evident here that families with more animals had also large 
land properties in the past but they were rich neither in the past nor in the 
present. Stock breeders are not satisfied with their position for they were 
always working more and getting smaller incomes than the others. 
As we have seen in Nyírvasvári when local residents are poor they 
do their best for their children’s support in order they could live in better 
conditions. Local residents do not like the idea of living in a remote site 
like their own but they feel some satisfaction for there are no gypsies and 
other „dirty folks” in their village. 
The last in the rank is Hídvégardó. Here the average social stratum 
index is 2.3. Here and in Nyírvasvári is the largest the number of poor 
families but there are no rich families at all here. We can hardly find any 
families with good conditions as well. If we look at the property condi-
tion index of these families we can see that the representation of the low-
est category is small but the representation of families with bad condi-
tions is very high: half of the people interviewed belong to this category. 
In 1945 the rate of servants was the highest in Nyírvasvári but the 
rate of poor families having some land was the highest in Hidvégardó. 
That’s why the number of farm labourers was high here. The number of 
female and male immigrants is below the average. This indicates a high 
representation of native residents. There were very few craftsmen and 
were no industrial workers here in 1945. Now industrial sector (mines) 
has an important predominance. 
29 

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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
Wage incomes are a slightly below the average, the role of second 
economy is very small. The role of non-agricultural second economy is 
half of the average, in private farming it is only Bódvaszilas that lags 
behind this settlement. In plant cultivation half of the families lead 
subsistence farming and there are no contractors in this village. In the 
area of stock breeding they belong to the category of subsistence farming 
and to the category of farmers who produce below their needs. The im-
portance of stock breeding is greater here than of plant cultivation. The 
local residents’ age is not higher than the average. Almost half of the 95 
families (45) belong to the category of small families and this is the only 
positive fact for future development. Villagers do like their home settle-
ment for it has got clean air but they suffer from the small number of jobs 
and from their remoteness from central settlements. 
It is not the number of poor families that determines the social 
formation of local communities. Although their number is greater in poor 
villages but their rate is almost the same in every village. It is the repre-
sentation of other social strata that determines the local social formation. 
In villages slightly lagging behind the average the representation of rich 
families is very similar to each other while in villages above the average 
families with good conditions have a predominance. In villages being on 
average level the majority consists of middle-class families. In villages 
slightly below the average there is a decrease in the number of families 
with good conditions while the number of families with poor conditions 
is increasing. In poor villages we can see a growing rate of families with 
poor conditions and a falling number of rich families. The rate of poor fa-
milies is also growing in the poorest settlements. 
30 

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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
THE BACKGROUNDS OF BORDERLAND SITUATION 
In the following chapter we are going to introduce some social tenden-
cies for a better understanding of border regions. 
1. Tendencies in political economy and settlement policy 
In the period starting from 1960 there was a paradoxical situation, for 
except for the Austro-Hungarian border political tensions decreased but a 
new trend emerged in economic policy which was very disadvantageous 
for backward areas. The majority of border regions (including a great 
part of the eastern, south-western and north-eastern borders) belonged to 
this category. This was the period of extensive industrialisation and mo-
dernisation. 
In the earlier period when Hungary belonged to the peripheral re-
gions of the world labour division between towns and villages was fol-
lowing the core periphery model. However, in the period of modern 
empirism a new exploitation of villages started. It was a complex process 
starting in the early 1950s with the efforts to move rich peasants and 
middle-class families from villages to industrial urban settlements. This 
was followed by the period of „second collectivisation” (in 1959–1960) 
when co-operatives were in a poor financial situation. Everyone who 
could was looking for another job. Later, with the modernisation of 
agriculture the downfall in the productivity of land resulted another 
emigration from villages. 
In settlement policy the 1970s were the years of relative 
decentralisation. Schools, co-operative farm centres and local councils 
moved from small places to bigger settlements. They were followed by 
local residents. It was the young, the skilled and the rich who left small 
villages so this migration was a selective one. Intensive industrialisation 
was for big settlements (with the exclusion of villages with special func-
tions) but villages on the border could not fulfil any central functions, for 
borders at that time were strictly guarded and hardly traversable. 
As a part of modernisation the program of infrastructure develop-
ment was launched in this period. Until then every neighbouring villages 
were accessible only by horse or on foot following cart roads. The new 
roads, built at that time, were crossing these villages but in border settle-
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ments these roads had a dead end or were only one-way roads. This pe-
riod was characterised with the increase in the number of border stations. 
Villages, especially those with busy border stations could get more finan-
cial support from government for the realisation of their infrastructure 
development project than any other places. That’s why villages with bor-
der stations do not belong to the category of backward settlements. 
2. Life on the border and backward situation 
Between the First and the Second World War public opinion and scienti-
fic researches were focused on problems and disadvantages being the 
outcomes of the definition of the new borders of Hungary. However, 
these problems were cleared even from scientific research after 1947. Al-
though there remained a lot of tensions and problems, including the prob-
lem of the Hungarian population on the other side of border, there were 
no public forums (schools, press, etc.) where these problems could have 
been discussed. Although this problem was cleared from the public, 
nevertheless, it was still in the air until now.  
It was the group of geographers who were dealing first with the 
problems of border from scientific aspects. By using different methods in 
the geography of population they have done a comprehensive analysis which 
served as a basis for their final conclusions. They said there was a signi-
ficant decrease of population in border settlements. Based on home re-
searches and foreign experiences they formed an opinion saying border 
regions are in backward situation. They explained this (Tóth, J. – Csatári, B. 
(1983), Kocsis, K. (1988)) by their peripheral situation. 
At the same time we can observe a population decrease in the inner 
backward regions of Hungary, too. Until now no comprehensive studies 
have dealt with the difference between backward areas on the border and 
those in the inner part of Hungary. In the middle of the 1980s the prob-
lem the border turned up again in press and in public opinion but now in 
different aspects than in the past. 
The evaluation of border depended on the stage of economic deve-
lopment and on the number of Hungarian population in the neighbouring 
country. Positive associations were linked to the north-western border 
while new, negative social phenomena could be witnessed on Rumanian 
and Soviet borders. It was evident that Szabolcs-Szatmár county border-
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ed by these two states has the highest birth rate, gypsies, commuters and 
alcoholists while the average level of education and the number of jobs 
per capita here are the lowest. These very bad indicators are explained both 
in literature and public opinion by borderland situation. For a long time I 
was also influenced by this opinion and I started my researches with the 
prejudice that borderland situation must be the reason of backwardness. 
During my research I experienced that people living on the border 
did not consider borderland situation to be the reason of their backward-
ness. Although, these common people are often unable to see the real rea-
son of their backwardness and they can see only the final outcome of dif-
ferent processes, their opinion should not been disregarded during the 
evaluation of research results. People who have been interviewed told me 
that it was the leaving of young generation that they considered the greatest 
problem in their home settlement. Apart from that the old generation was 
complaining of the small number of children while the young generation 
was felt some sorrow for the intellectuals who had also left their village.  
Talking about everyday problems most villagers mentioned the lack of 
local job opportunities, while their second major problem was the large dis-
tance of their home from the site of employment. The main problem with 
towns was not their distance but the poor transport facilities to them (i.e., 
their low level accessibility). Thirty-four per cent of population was suf-
fering from the lack of services. There was a difference of opinions in 
this problem between the younger and the elder generation. The lack of 
job opportunities, the long distance from employment site and cities, the 
low level of services were mainly the young generation’s problems. Old 
age pensioners absolutely not or just vaguely were interested in these 
problems. 
The most critical opinions were told by the residents of the most back-
ward settlements (Biharugra, Hídvégardó, Vállaj). Twenty-five per cent 
of people interviewed considered their home settlement a backward set-
tlement and 66 per cent did not. There was no difference of opinions a-
mong generations in this matter but there was between settlements. 
There is no correlation between the levels of backwardness and sa-
tisfaction. Local residents are more pessimistic about the future of their 
home settlement. They see development compared with the past. Resi-
dents who find their village in a worse condition than it was 50 years ago, 
have a sense of panic. If their home settlement is in the same bad situa-
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tion as it was in the past they also have a feeling of dissatisfaction. Satis-
faction begins when a village is in a relatively better condition compared 
to the surroundings or it has an average development. Residents of poor 
villages are aware of the position of their home settlement but it is not al-
ways evident for them if it is a rich one. 
The results of our investigations have proved that most of the local 
residents do like their home settlement: 57 per cent would not leave it. 
This is a fairly good result but it is not so good if we look at the results of 
another investigation about the same problem within each generation. Se-
venty per cent of residents under the age of 30 would leave their home 
village if they had money or could find better employment. In villages 
with better conditions the situation is better because the young generation 
likes to live there. It was very important for us to see the parents’ attitude 
towards their children’s intentions to find a better place for living. 
There was a very high rate – 53 per cent – of family heads who 
would not insist on living with their children in the same village while it 
was 41 per cent who would. The younger was the family head’s age the 
less was his insistence. Thus, we can conclude that people who want or 
being forced to live on the border do not like the idea that they live in a 
lagging settlement. They think this is an overstatement, even if they see 
the shortage of job opportunities and the consequences of the deformed 
demographic structure.  
Most villages having been participated in our research has an 
ageing population. They think that since their earlier life there has been 
some development in their home settlement. 
The word backward is mentioned by those capable to leave their 
home settlement. To do this good material conditions and young age are 
needed. Those who had both of them have passed this sentence over their 
home land.  
During the analysis of results we have seen that local residents had 
a stronger criticism about the situation of their home settlement when 
they were talking about their children’s future. As we have seen, 66 per 
cent do not consider their home settlement a backward settlement and 57 
per cent would not leave it at all. However, 53 per cent would not advise 
their children to live here. As an explanation for this contradiction a large 
group of people having been interviewed said that it was alright for them 
to live in their home settlement but it was not so in case of their children. 
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Thus, they have an ambivalence towards their home settlement which 
was revealed when speaking of children. 
As it was seen from the replies to our questions, people living on 
the border do not consider borderland situation the main reason of their 
poor living conditions. They have a realistic impression on their situation 
and the greatest problem for them is the lack or remoteness of towns and 
employment sites. I think, the greatest problems here are, on one hand, the 
lack of contractors and viable economic programs and, on the other hand, 
poor infrastructure and transport facilities that are coupled by unfavour-
able local natural conditions. I think these are the main reasons of the 
backwardness of border regions. Thus, we have seen that borderland 
situation is not the primary reason of rural backwardness. It may have a se-
condary or tertiary role in case of extraordinary backwardness but it cannot 
have a primary role in it. The more advanced a settlement the less nega-
tive is the impact of its borderland situation. But if a settlement is a lagging 
one, its borderland situation may reinforce local negative tendencies. 
3. Keeping contacts through the border 
In the period of modern empirism some efforts were made to set up bila-
teral contacts through the border. These activities were directed by the 
central government. Setting up or breaking contacts often was a long, dif-
ficult and bureaucratic process. 
It was the Gabcikovo–Nagymaros Project of a hydroelectric station 
on the Hungarian-Czechoslovakian border which was one of the greatest 
mutual investments of these bilateral contacts. The contract was signed 
by  Gustav Husak from the representation of the Czechoslovakian Party 
and Kádár János from the representation of the Hungarian Party in 1977. 
At that time its economic advantages – cheap electric power and navi-
gable channel – were the main motivations. However, in the late 1980s 
more and more was heard about the threat of an ecological catastrophe in 
case of launching the project. 
Before the change of the political regime the Hungarian Parliament 
said „no” for the realisation of this project. The Slovaks were for the conti-
nuation even with the expenses of driving the Danube over to Slovak 
territories. Nobody can see yet the future of this unfinished project but it 
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seems to be certain that cooperation in this field is going to face a series 
of problems. 
In the period of modern empirism there were no possibilities for lo-
cal cooperation for it was the monopoly of the government. Although, major 
political leaders (government or county chiefs) regularly paid some offi-
cial visits on both sides of the border these meetings ended without any 
practical results. These comrades (or these gentlemen in case of Austria) 
were just showing their face to each other. These meetings were announ-
ced to the public as if there had been any serious negotiations and there were 
constant official of having excellent relations between the two parties. 
If a company was going to set up economic relations with a partner 
on the other side of border it had to get a licence from the Hungarian 
Foreign Trade Ministry. The government had a full privilege in foreign 
relations. Setting up spontaneous relations between companies through 
the border were without or against the consent of central administration. 
In most cases there were no practical relations or if there were any, they 
were only isolated cases. Here I am going to mention some of them. 
In the area of Bánát Land that belonged to Serbia a large number of 
Hungarians left their village in the 1960s and moved to Subotica  city. 
The intensity of their emigration was so great that in some Hungarian vil-
lages full streets were left empty. This emigration process was simultane-
ous with Serbia’s industrialisation and urbanisation process. All Hunga-
rians went to Subotica. There are four reasons why they did so. First, 
they went there because this was the only place where they could educate 
their children in Hungarian language. Secondly, they themselves could 
not, or hardly could speak Serb language and for this reason they had a 
feeling of inferiority. They thought such an „incompleteness” would be 
better tolerated in Subotica. Thirdly, they could see the Hungarian televi-
sion programs there, and as a fourth reason, they had relatives in Hunga-
ry and living close to the border was good for maintaining intensive con-
tacts with their home country.  
Borders had some attraction for ethnic minorities which resulted 
special regional processes in the case of local communities. Their close 
situation to the border which was open at that time brought enormous 
chances for them to maintain their cultural and national identity. Those 
Hungarians who move to Serb cities will be assimilated there in a few 
generations’ time. Although this example was taken from the other side 
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of the border it gives a typical illustration about the problems of border-
land situation and ethnic minorities. 
The second example is about the primary school of a small Hunga-
rian village, Drávasztára having 47 pupils. Local residents are of Cro-
atian nationality and some subjects are taught on Croatian language. If 
Dráva river would not separate Hungary from Yugoslavia senior students 
could travel to the nearest Croatian school on the other side of border every 
day. They could have an opportunity for learning a better Croatian and could 
have a better information on the culture of their home country. The school of 
Drávasztára could be maintained only for lower classes. Both Hungarian 
and Croatian schools could make some benefit from this situation. Until 
now there no similar methods were used in any other countries. 
I hope that as a result of the recent East European changes there 
will be some possibilities for school boards or parents’ delegations to 
visit the nearest school on the other side of border in order they could es-
tablish direct cooperations. 
So far different relations have been established, mainly in the field 
of language and verbal communication but less attention was paid for e-
conomic relations. Our research results indicate that the television prog-
rams of the neighbour countries can play an important role in the every-
day life of these nations. If television programs speak on their native lan-
guage or give better entertainment, more information or have a different 
opinion than the television programs of their home country, they may be 
more interested in them. This results a difference in the number of spec-
tators of the neighbours’ television programs. On the Austrian border 
two-thirds of Hungarians watches the Austrian television program. On 
the Serb border every second and on the Croatian border every third of 
the people having been interviewed watches the television program of the 
neighbour country. On the Czechoslovakian border every seventh while 
on the Romanian border every ninth belongs to this category. 
Apart from the Austrian television programs every second of the 
residents of Szentpéterfa – a village on the Austrian and Croatian border – 
are watching Croatian television programs as well. A typical answer 
came from an old man who said: „I watch the Hungarian, Austrian and 
Yugoslavian news all the time so I always know what happens in the 
world.” 
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As it is known, the role of „Panoráma”, a Hungarian television 
program, was very important in the information of residents on the other 
side of border in the period of Czechoslovakian and Romanian revolu-
tion. These people told us that they were passing information to their re-
latives who were living inside these countries. This method of passing 
information I think will soon become the past because in the near future 
by means of satellite broadcasting system the Hungarian television 
programs will be available throughout the whole Carpathian Basin. 
So far until the positive changes in East Europe the maintenance of 
contacts through the border meant only negotiations between political 
leaders. Although they are also necessary but the results are relevant for 
the whole country’s territory and they cannot solve the development prob-
lems of frontier regions. Bilateral cooperations through the border were 
too formal and there were a lot of difficulties in their establishment and 
development. 
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OPEN BORDERS 
After the beginning of the Central European changes the introduction of 
an open border system is one of the major political and economic programs. 
Its political aspects have a greater importance in Hungary than in any 
countries of East Central Europe. This may be explained by two reasons. 
One is that during the Kádár’ regime – despite or because living 
conditions were the best in Hungary – Hungarians liked to travel to the 
countries of Western Europe very much. They wanted to see an econo-
mic and political system in Hungary that is similar to the western type.  
The other is that during the past 45 years the rate of those who 
were criticising the political system in semi-public places like employ-
ment sites, friends, cafés, etc. and were strongly for the cooperation with 
Western Europe was the greatest in Poland and in Hungary. Hungarians 
wanted to open their border not only for Western countries like Austria but 
for all countries with Hungarian population. 
After the beginning of the change of the political system Hungary 
had the best contacts with Ukraine, Croatia and Slovenia. In case of Czecho-
slovakia the contacts with Bohemia are good but they are bad with Slova-
kia. Hungary has also bad contacts with Rumania and Serbia. The media and 
the political organisations of Hungary and these latter two states are paying 
large attention for each other’s declarations and they strongly criticise them 
if they do not meet their requirements. 
In the 1980s before the change of the political system when Hungari-
ans started to be interested in the living conditions of Hungarians living on 
the other side of border, a general opinion was formed. It said that minorities 
living in Hungary should have equal rights with Hungarians and neighbours. 
Those who were for it thought that following the Hungarian example our 
neighbours will do the same with Hungarian minorities. The neighbours had 
a similar opinion from the other end. They said Hungarians should grant the 
same rights to minorities living in Hungary they demand for Hungarian mi-
norities abroad. For example, it was President Iliescu who said that Romani-
ans living in Hungary (their number is 12 thousand) should have the same 
rights which Hungarians living in Rumania have (their number is 2.5 million 
in Rumania). 
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The Serb government is also going to grant only the rights for the edu-
cation of Hungarians (their number is 400 thousand there) that are grant-
ed to Serbs living in Hungary (their number is 5 thousand in Hungary).  
This is a false interpretation of the whole problem, for the needs of a 
community of 12 thousand and of 2.5 million are different. For example, the 
previous group cannot demand university education on native language be-
cause there will not be enough students even for the starting of this prog-
ram. However, a community of 2.5 million is enough to establish and main-
tain a university where students are educated on their mother tongue. 
Apart from these problems the model of reciprocity is against any 
bourgeois democratic principles based on international conventions, for 
they do not demand that any rights granted to minorities should depend on 
rights granted in their home country. The rights of ethnic minorities should 
not depend on certain conditions. 
The present situation of our region will follow this tendency and 
there are already some facts that make us believe this. With the introduc-
tion of multiple party system in Slovakia, Rumania and Serbia Hungari-
ans have formed their corporate systems there, functioning as parties du-
ring parliamentary elections. There are also some of them that have been 
transformed into a political party. Due to the fact that in these states Hunga-
rians have formed a majority on a certain geographical area that may be 
easily defined, they have a full representation in the parliament. Repre-
sentatives can report on the problems, ideas and proposals of Hungarian 
minorities there. 
That’s another matter that the most of them are not approved and in 
some cases get strong criticism. During local elections on the territories 
with Hungarian population it was the Hungarians who got the majority of 
votes. Thus, in local government system the Hungarian representatives form 
a majority. After some time the activity of local governments and the 
development of local democracy will give a basis to see that instead of 
thinking of what is good for the majority against minority the central 
government will have an opposite way of thinking. It will try to consider 
how the minority wants to live with the majority. Slovaks, Romanians 
and Serbs will only be happy in their home country if they see that Hun-
garians are also happy to live there. At this moment it will not be a prob-
lem any longer what Hungary wants to do for Hungarian minorities. 
There will also be no necessity for borders, for everybody will intend to 
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stay where he has lived so far. However, we must see that before this 
there will be a lot of troubles and quarrels between Hungary and these 
states about the problems of Hungarian minorities. 
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Discussion Papers, No. 18.
 
NOTES 
1 In 1986–1987 the Centre for Regional Studies of the Hungarian Acade-
my of Sciences defined a frontier zone consisting of 803 rural and 27 urban 
settlements. This was a 30–50 km wide zone along the border where 
different multidisciplinary researches were carried out. Six researchers 
have participated in the research team of sociology, such as Judit Berta, 
Zsuzsa Bögre, Judit Csoba, Éva G. Fekete, Ilona Szabó and János Tét. 
We have carried out empirical researches in 10 border villages. 
890 families have participated in research. The selection of family 
heads was done by a carefully planned sample. The following villages 
were involved in research: Hídvégardó,  Bódvaszilas (on the Slovak 
border), Vállaj,  Nyírvasvári and Biharugra (on the Romanian border), 
Öttömös,  Pusztamérges and Murakeresztúr (on the Yugoslavian bor-
der), Szentpéterfa and Velem (on the Austrian border). This paper is a 
summary of research results. 
2 The so-called hold is a Hungarian unit of square measure. It equals with 
1,42 English acres. 
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tõ Kiadó 
TÓTH, J. – CSATÁRI, B. (1983): Az Alföld határmenti területeinek 
vizsgálata (The study of the frontier regions of the Great Hungarian 
Plain). – Területi Kutatások, 6. pp. 78–92. 
44 

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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
WALLERSTEIN, I. (1974): The Modern World-System. New York,  Aca-
demic Press 
45 

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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
FIGURES 
46 

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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
47 

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Kovács, Teréz : Borderland Situation As It is Seen by a Sociologist. 
Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies, 1993. 44. p. 
Discussion Papers, No. 18.
 
48 

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